A Study of the Buddha’s Coffin in Gandharan Art

Katsumi TANABE. 2013. “A Study of the Buddha’s Coffin in Gandharan Art,” Scripta Antiqua III, pp. 641-652.

{p. 643}

It is said that the Buddha Śākyamuni died at the age of eighty and then he was cremated at Kusinagara. However, when we look at a few coffins (Fig. 1) of the Buddha Śākyamuni depicted on Gandharan reliefs, we are liable to feel a sense of incongruity about their shape1. Almost the same opinion or judgment was already stated by A.Foucher in 1905. He pointed out clearly that “avant tout, il faut relever la forme curieuse de la bière”2.

He further notes the inappropriate appearance of the Buddha’s coffin as follows:

It is composed of two exactly equal halves that can be used interchangeably as bottom or the top. Three clamps (they are probably not hinges) riveted perpendicularly to the suture join and fix them together. The curved ends of the two parts compel us to admit that they are dug out from a log or more plausibly that they are metal (iron) vats fashioned by hammering3. 

The present author nearly agrees at Foucher’s observation and criticism. The Gandharan depiction (Fig. 1) of the coffin of the Buddha is nothing but a strange and imaginary compromise between cremation and inhumation. According to the Buddhist relevant texts the Buddha’s corpse was cremated. Therefore, such a coffin (Fig. 1) was rather unnecessary.

In addition, as is clear from such Buddhist texts as the “Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra” and the“Mahāparinibbānasuttanta” quoted below in chap- {p. 644} ter I, the Buddha’s coffin was made of iron, and it was filled with (sesame or vegetable) oil. However, according to J.S.Strong’s personal communication with a director of a local crematorium, “if a corpse were to be cremated in such a container filled with oil, with the top on, there would be a risk of explosion, and with the top off, the corpse would basically get boiled, which would result in a gross mess (fat with bones floating in it)”4. Therefore, the Gandharan depiction (Fig. 1) seems to contradict historical fact and derives rather from artistic fancy.

In this short paper dedicated to my old friend Dr. Edward Rtveladze whom I met for the first time in 1976 when I visited Tashkent as an exchange student between Akademia Nauk SSSR and the Ministry of Education, Government of Japan, I will attempt to explain why in Gandharan Buddhist reliefs the real coffin or sarcophagus was not represented at all in the scene of “Laying corpse in a coffin’’, “Mise au cercueil”, and “Aufbahrung des Sarges”5.

I. Comparison with other types of coffin and sarcophagus

If we compare the so-called Gandharan coffin (Fig. 1) of the Buddha with that of Central Asia (Fig. 2), the former is quite inappropriate as far as a coffin is concerned6. Furthermore, compared with Greek (Fig. 3), Etruscan and Roman sarcophagi (Fig. 4), Parthian lead sarcophagi (Fig. 5) of Syria and Palestine, Jewish stone sarcophagi of Roman Jerusalem, Parthian terracotta sarcophagus (Fig. 6) of Iraq (Kakzu) and Iran (Gelālak), several so-called coffins depicted on Gandharan Buddhist reliefs seem not to be coffins but large oblong chests7. The coffer of the so-called Gandharan cof- {p. 645} fins is not as deep as those of aforementioned foreign examples while the lid is unnecessarily deep. Especially, the fact that the extremities of coffer and lid are curved and the side-view of the piece is oval leads me to doubt that the so-called coffin of the Buddha is not a coffin, but another kind of vessel made of wood, not of metal. As is clarified in the next chapter, the relevant Pali and Sanskrit texts never mention a coffin or a sarcophagus but an iron vat or bathtub (droṇi) filled with oil. In addition, the length of the coffin (Fig. 1) is too short for an adult corpse to be laid within, because its Fig.119a–b; Foerster G. Sarcophagus Production in Jerusalem from the Beginning of the Common Era up to 70 C.E. // Akten des Symposiums 125 Jahre Sarkophag-Corpus. Marburg, 4.–7. Oktober 1995 / Ed. G.Koch. Mainz am Rhein, 1998. S. 295–310. Taf. 120–125; Rahbar M. Shushtar. Les tombeaux d’époque parthe de Gelalak // Les Dossiers d’Archéologie. 1999. 243. P. 92–93; Sulla Via di Alessandro da Seleucia al Gandhara / Ed. A.Invernizi. Torino, 2007. P. 182. Pl. 97.

Fig. 1. Buddha’s Coffin. Gandharan Style (Gandhаran Art from the Hirayama Collection. Pl. I.38)

{p. 646} 

Fig. 2. Buddha’s Coffin. Eastern Turkestan (Grünwedel A. Altbuddhistische

Kultstätten in Chinesisch-Turkistan. Fig. 91)

length is 30 cm while the height of the attendant two monks ranges from 31 to 32 cm. 

From the above observation it can be said that the sculptor of the relief in question (Fig. 1) employed a wood oblong chest then available in Gandhara in order to represent the so-called iron vat or bathtub of the Buddha narrated in the “Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra” and the “Mahāparinibbānasuttanta”, vol. 16 of the “Dоgha Nikāya”, because a proper iron coffin or sarcophagus was not known nor available in Gandhara when this relief was produced in the Kushan Period (II–III cent. A.D.).

II. Description of the Buddha ’s Coffin in Buddhist Literature

As regards the treatment of the corpse of the Buddha, the Mahāparinibbānasuttanta, chapter 5, 11 states clearly as follows: 

But, Lord, what are we to do with the Tathagata’s remains? Ananda, they should be dealt with like the remains of a wheel-turning monarch (cakravartin). And how is that, Lord? Ananda, the remains of a wheelturning monarch are wrapped in a linen-cloth. This they wrap in teased cotton wool, and this in a new cloth. Having done this five hundred times each, they enclose the king’s body in an oil-vat (tela-droṇi) of iron (ayasa), which is covered with another iron pot (Pali text: rañño cakkavattissa {p. 647} sarоraṃ veṭhetvā ayasāya tela-doniyā pakkhipitvā aññissā ayasāya doṇiyā paṭikujjetvā8. T.W.Rhys Davids translates the above-underlined part as “they place the body in an oil vessel of iron, and cover that close up with another oil vessel of iron”9.

The “Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra”, Vorgang 36, 5–7 states as follows:

Wie bei einem weltbeherrschenden König (cakravartin), Ananda.Wie (verfärt man), Herr, bei einem Weltherrscher? Der Körper eines weltherrschenden Königs wird mit (zu Watte) geschlagener Baumwolle umwickelt.

Wenn er mit geschlagener Baumwolle umwickelt ist, wird er mit 500 Paaren (Stoff) umwickelt. Wenn er mit 500 Paaren (Stoff) umwickelt ist, wird er in eine mit Sesamöl gefüllte, eiserne Sarghälfte gelegt (und) mit der anderen Sargfälfte bedeckt (underline mine). The Sanskrit text is: kathaṃ bhadanta rājñaś cakravartinaḥ/rājnaś cakravartinaḥ kāyo vihataiḥ karpāsair veṣṭyate/ vihataiḥ karpāsair veṣṭayitvā pañcabhir yugaśatair veṣṭyate/pañcabhir yugaśatair veṣṭayitvā tailapū rṇāyām ayodroṇyāṃ prakṣipyānyayāyodroṇyā pracchādya10.

According to these texts, the iron coffer and the double iron lid of the Buddha is not connected tightly by hinges. Therefore, the Gandharan depiction of the Buddha’s coffin (fig. 1) is not in conformity with the description of the relevant Sanskrit and Pali texts.

The Chinese and Tibetan versions of the “Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra” also state almost the same treatment of the corpse of the Buddha afforded to that of the universal king (cakravartin), except for gold and wooden coffins containing the iron vat11. However, the Tibetan Tripiṭaka XLIV, mentions clearly “an iron coffer” and “a double iron lid”, not iron vat, vessel or pot according to Snellgrove’s translation12.

However, a slightly different treatment of the corpse of the universal king (cakravartin) can be found in another Kharoṣṭhо text written in {p. 648}

Fig. 3. Greek Sarcophagus (Kurz D.C., Boardman J. Thanatos, Tod und

Jenseits bei den Griechen. Fig. 119.b)

Gandhārо of the Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra, although fragmentary, which was found several years ago in Bamiyan and now kept in the Schøyen Collection, Norway (SC. 2179/44a). In this fragment, the treatment of Mahāsudaroeana’s corpse similar to that of the universal king is stated as follows:

They put it in a vat... After an interval of a week, they took it out of the vat of oil and bathed the body with all fragrant liquids... They wrapped the body with five hundred pairs of unbeaten cloth. Having wrapped the body with five hundred pairs of unbeaten cloth, they filled an iron vat with oil...13

(underline mine).

In any case, the obsequies of the Buddha were conducted in the same way as those of Cakravartin king according to the above-quoted two sūtras.

According to the above description, the corpse of the Buddha was laid {p. 649}twice in a vat and in an iron vat or bathtub filled with oil (tela). According to J.Przyluski and E.Waldschmidt, the oil might have been used for transporting the corpse elsewhere (to the banks of the river Ganges, etc.) or preserving the corpse from decaying14. On the other hand, after A.Foucher, J.S.Strong opines that the purpose of the iron oil vessel had nothing to do with the transportation and preservation of the corpse but with its cremation, i.e., keeping bodily relics (úarоra) separate from the embers or the remains of the fire15. A.Bareau supposes that the relevant coffin is made of wood and that the oil was used so as to make the burning of the corpse complete without leaving embers and ashes16.

According to the “Mahāparinibbāna-suttanta” (VI. 23) only the bones of the Buddha remained after the corpse was burnt as follows:

Just as when butter or oil is burnt, no ashes or dust remain, so it was with the Lord’s body, what had been skin, under-skin, flesh, sinew, or jointfluid, all that vanished and not even ashes or dust remained, only the bones were left: seyyathā pi nāma sappissa vā telassa vā jhāyamānassa n’eva chārikā paññāyati na masi, evam eva Bhagavato sarоrassa jhāyamānassa yaṃ ahosi chavоti vā camman ti vā maṃsan ti vā nahārū ti vā lasikā ti vā tassa n’eva chārikā paññāyittha na masi, sarоrān’ eva avasissiṃsu17.

As for the (sesame) oil, the “Saṃyutta-nikāya” (LV), “Sotāpattisaṃyuttaṃ” (III), Mahānāma (1) states as follows:

Just as, Mahānāma, when a person sinks a jar of clarified butter (ghee) or (sesame) oil into a deep lake and breaks it, what is potsherds or fragments of the jar goes down but all that is clarified butter or oil ascends and reaches a higher state: seyyathā pi Mahānāma puriso sappikumbhaṃ vā telakumbhaṃ vā gambhоram udakarahadam ogāhetvā bhindeyya. Tatra yā assa sakkharā vā kaṭhalā vā sā adhogāmо assa. yañ ca khv’assa tatra sappi vā telaṃ vā tam uddhaṃgāmо assa visesāgamо18 (translation and underline

mine). {p. 650}

Fig. 4. Roman Sarcophagus (Author’s photo)

The oil might have been employed in order that after nirvāṇa and cremation the soul of the Buddha would go certainly upwards and reach a higher state, i.e., the celestial Brahmaloka (Brahma-world) and eventually to be restored to life there19. Such a term as Brahmaloka is used as equivalent for the more negative term nirvāṇa20. The “Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra”, Vorgang 49, 23 states as follows:

Yena kāyaratnena nāyako brahmalokam agaman maharddhikaḥ (Mit Welch wertvollen Körper der Lehrer, der Zaubermächtige, in die Brahma-Welt ging)21.

In any case, such a wooden chest as some Gandharan Buddhist reliefs (Fig. 1) depict, was never used as sarcophagus of the Buddha’ corpse if we follow the descriptions of these texts. Why did this discrepancy between literary evidence and figural representation take place in Gandharan Buddhist

reliefs ? In the following I will attempt to clarify at least, one reason. {p. 651}

III. Two Greco -Bactrian Bronze Sarcophagi

In Ancient India, cremation prevailed but inhumation was also adopted. As regards the latter case, burial was done by terracotta, stone sarcophagus and cist22. No iron or bronze coffin or sarcophagus has been attested by Indian archaeological reports to the best of my knowledge. However, a Greco-Bactrian bronze sarcophagus (Fig. 7.1–3) allegedly unearthed from Aï-Khanum in northern Afghanistan in 1998, is now in the possession of a private collector in Tokyo (L: 117.5 cm, H: 31 cm, W: 30.5–49.5 cm).

The piece has five handles, and the thin board lid opens on two hinges (Fig. 7.4). The lid is decorated with Medusa/Gorgon head (Fig. 7.5) which is rendered in Hellenistic style and has beyond doubt apotropaic function.

Another Hellenistic or Greco-Bactrian bronze sarcophagus (Fig. 8) fashioned out of two bathtubs was found from a Hellenistic cemetery in old Kandahar in southern Afghanistan (L: 277 cm, H: 60 cm)23. This big sarcophagus contained two amphorae (urns) in which ashes of the dead were {p. 652}

deposited in Greek way. Therefore, another bronze sarcophagus (Fig. 7) was probably used for containing urns filled with ashes and bones of the dead.

The form of these two bronze sarcophagi reminds us of the vat or bathtub described in afore-quoted Buddhist texts. Therefore, this type of sarcophagus might have been introduced in Gandhara and northern India by the Greco-Bactrians or Indo-Greeks in the 2nd cent. B.C., and then adopted by some monks to invent such a curious episode of the Buddha’s obsequies as is recorded in the Mahāparinibbānasuttanta and Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra.

In addition, the Mahāparinirvāṇasū tra states that the bones and ashes of the Buddha were collected by the Mallas and put into a golden urn (sauvarnaḥ kuṃbha)24. This golden urn is nothing but an amphora urn contained in the Kandahar sarcophagus. Therefore, it is almost clear that the iron vat and golden urn for Cakravartin king recorded in the relevant Buddhist sū tra was modeled after Greek or Hellenistic bronze sarcophagus accompanied by urns.

Concluding remarks

From the above observation might be drawn the following conclusion. Although it is not clarified when the extant “Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra” and “Mahāparinibbānasuttanta” were completed, the episode of the sarcophagus or coffin of the Buddha was probably inserted after the invasion of the Greco-Bactrians of the Indian Subcontinent that took place around 180 B.C. Iron was then a precious metal and eventually regarded as worthy for the coffin of the imaginary universal king, although a metallic coffin is good for inhumation or containing urns but not appropriate and of no use for cremation. It is simply because the author of the episode tried to enhance the status of the Buddha by associating His cremation with that of

the so-called Cakravartin king who is a powerful and ambitious king conquering adjacent countries25. Such Greco-Bactrian kings as Demetrius I or {p. 654} 

Eucratides I, or the Indo-Greek king Menander26, worthy of this Cakravartin name might be involved in such an enhancement.

Although we do not know whether these Greek kings were cremated or inhumed, especially with regard to Menander, Plutarch (Moralia. 821.D–E) says that after his death his ashes were divided among the cities of his kingdom and the relevant cities raised stūpas (μνημεῖα) over his ashes as well as the Buddha and the Cakravartin king were treated27. As the earliest extant image of the Cakravartin king is attested by the relief unearthed from Jaggayyapeta dating from 1st cent. B.C. to 1st cent. A.D., the idea of Cakravartin king might have been invented slightly earlier than this relief, probably in 2nd cent. B.C.

On the other hand, when the relief (Fig. 1) of laying the corpse of the Buddha was fabricated in Gandhara, the relevant sculptors avoided the representation of such a vat or bathtub as described in the above-quoted sū tras, thinking that it is not appropriate for the Buddha, or not knowing the existence of such a metallic vat or bathtub, and eventually disregarded such a description as vat or bathtub, and adopted the oblong wooden chest then available in Gandhara. According to Przyluski, droṇо and doṇо could mean or recall a wooden trough-shaped canoe hollowed from a log28. This type of canoe might recall such an oblong chest depicted in Gandharan reliefs (Fig. 1).

Alexander the Great’s campaign in Basand (Baisun)

Στο τέλος του επεισοδίου στον Κούρτιο Ρούφο, που περιγράφει λεπτομερώς την κατάληψη του Βράχου της Σισιμίθρης, υπάρχει ένα ενδιαφέρον γεγονός που αξίζει ιδιαίτερης προσοχής (Curt. 8.2.33–40). Αυτό το γεγονός στην εκστρατεία του Αλεξάνδρου στην Κεντρική Ασία, που αμαυρώθηκε από μεγάλες δυσκολίες και σφοδρές μάχες, δεν έχει ποτέ αποτελέσει αντικείμενο ειδικής μελέτης, αν και αυτή η πορεία οδήγησε στον τραγικό θάνατο δύο Μακεδόνων ηρώων - του Φιλίππου, αδελφού του προσωπικού σωματοφύλακα του Αλεξάνδρου, Λυσίμαχου, και του Εριγύιου, ενός από τους «επιφανείς στρατηγούς» του μακεδονικού στρατού. Πέθαναν κατά τη διάρκεια μιας εκστρατείας στη Βασάνδη (Baisun). Στην πρώτη περίοδο της ύπαρξής του (τέλη 4ου - αρχές 3ου αιώνα π.Χ.), το Kurganzol ήταν μια θόλος που προοριζόταν για την ταφή με λαμπρότητα και τιμή του Φιλίππου και του Εριγύιου.                                                                        --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 

At the end of the episode in Curtius Rufus detailing the capture of the Rock of Sisimithres there is an intriguing event which deserves special attention (Curt. 8.2.33–40). This event in Alexander’s campaign in Central Asia, marred by great difficulties and fierce fighting, has never been the subject of a special study, although it was this march that led to the tragic death of two Macedonian heroes – Philippus, the brother of Alexander’s personal bodyguard Lysimachus, and Erigyius, one of the “illustrious generals” of the Macedonian army. They died during a campaign in Basand (Baisun). In the first period of its existence (late 4th–early 3rd century BC) Kurganzol was a tholos intended for the burial with splendor and honor of Philippus and Erigyius.

ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΕΙΣ

1 Five pieces are currently known: Foucher A. Les Bas-Reliefs Gréco-Bouddhiques du Gandhāra. P., 1905. Fig. 285–286; Ingholt H. Gandhāran Art in Pakistan. N.Y., 1957. Fig. 143–144; Ebert J. Parinirvāṇa Untersuchungen zur ikonographischen Entwicklung von den indischen Anfängen bis nach China. Stuttgart, 1985. Pl. 15,26–27; Pl. 30,50; Kurita I. Gandhāran Art. Vol. I. The Buddh’s Life Story. Tokyo, 1988. Fig. 502–504, 506; Gandhāran Art from the Hirayama Collection / Ed. K.Tanabe. Tokyo, 2007. Pl. I.38.

2 Foucher A. Les Bas-Reliefs Gréco-Bouddhiques du Gandhāra. P. 576.

3 Foucher A. Les Bas-Reliefs Gréco-Bouddhiques du Gandhāra. P. 576.

4 Strong J.S. Relics of the Buddha. Princeton; Oxf., 2004. P. 106 (n. 21).

5 Foucher A. Les Bas-Reliefs Gréco-Bouddhiques du Gandhāra. P. 575; Ebert J. Parinirvāna Untersuchungen... S. 61.

6 Grünwedel A. Altbuddhistische Kultstätten in Chinesisch-Turkistan. B., 1912. P. 35 (Fig. 71), 46 (Fig. 91), 90 (Fig. 203), Idem. Alt-Kutscha: archäologische und religionsgeschichtliche Forschungen an Tempera-Gemälden aus Buddhistischen Höhlen der ersten acht Jahrhunderte nach Christi Geburt. Bd. II. B., 1920. S. 13. Fig. 17; Ebert J. Parinirvāṇa Untersuchungen...Fig.16c, 17. Pl. 31–33.

7 Andrae W., Lenzen H.J. Die Partherstadt Assur, B., 1933. Reprint in 1967, Osnabrück. P. 94–96. Pl. 45.a–d, 49.o; Furlani G. Sarcofaghi partici di Kakzu. Iraq, 1934. Vol. 1. P. 90–94. Pl. XII–XIII; Haller A. Die Gräber und Grüfte von Assur. B., 1954. P. 53–85. Pl. 11–18; Kurz D.C., Boardman J. Greek Burial Customs. N.Y., 1971. P. 270. Pl. 71; Toynbee J.M.C. Death and Burial in the Roman World. N.Y., 1971. P. 275–276. Fig. 88–89; Kurz D.C., Boardman J. Thanatos, Tod und Jenseits bei den Griechen. Mainz am Rhein, 1985. S. 324–325. 

8 Walsche M. The Long Discourses of the Buddha. A Translation of the Dīgha Nikāya. Boston, 1987. P. 264; Rhys Davids T.W., Carpenter J.E. The Dїgha Nikāya. Vol. II. L., 1982. P. 142, 161 (underline mine).

9 Rhys Davids T.W. Dialogues of the Buddha. Vol. III. L., 1910. P. 182.

10 Weber Cl. Buddhistische Sutras Das Leben des Buddha in Quellentexten. München, 1999. S. 230; cf.: 259, 261; Waldschmidt E. Das Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra. Tl. III. B., 1951. S. 359–360.

11 The gen ben shuo yiqui youbu pi nai na za shi (Kṣūdrakavastuvinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādins), the Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur, Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō. Vol. 24. P. 394c; Waldschmidt E. Das Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra. Tl. III. P. 361; Rockhill W.W. The Life of the Buddha and the Early History of His Order. L., 1992 (reprint of Trübner, 1884 edition). P. 137.

12 Snellgrove D.L. Śākyamuni’s Final Nirvāṇa // Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. 1973. Vol. XXXVI. Part 2. P. 399–411; Waldschmidt E. Das Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra. Tl. III. S. 411.

13 Gandhārī text: droniye nikṣipisu satahasya acayena teladronito udhvaritvaṃ sarvagaṃdhotakehi kayaṃ sapayisu... strayuvaoeatehi kayaṃ veḍhayisu ahatehi paṃcahi vastrayugaoeatehi kayaṃ veḍhitva ayaṃsadroni telena (Allon M., Salomon R. Kharoṣṭhī Fragments of a Gāndhārī Version of the Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra // Buddhist Manuscripts / Ed. J.Braarvig. Vol. I. Oslo, 2000. P. 247, 258–260).

14 Przyluski J. Le parinirvāṇa et les funérailles du Bouddha. P., 1920. P. 184–185; Idem. Le partage des reliques du Buddha // Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques. Vol. IV. 1936. P. 355–357; Waldschmidt E. Die Überlieferung vom Lebensende des Buddha. Göttingen, 1944. S. 273, 345; Snellgrove D.L. Śākyamuni’s Final Nirvāṇa. P. 408.

15 Foucher A. La vie du Bouddha, d’après les textes et les monuments de l’Inde. P., 1949. P. 318; Strong J.S. Relics of the Buddha. P. 108–109.

16 Bareau A. Recherches sur la biographie du Buddha dans les Sūtrapiṭaka et les Vinayapiṭaka anciens: II. Les derniers mois, le Parinirvāṇa et les funérailles. T. II. P., 1971. P. 43–44.

17 Walsche M. The Long Discourses of the Buddha. A Translation of the Dīgha Nikāya. Boston, 1987. P. 275; Rhys Davids T.W., Carpenter J.E. The Dоgha Nikāya. Vol. II. L., 1903. P. 164.

18 Feer M.L. The Saṃyutta-Nikāya of the Sutta-Piṭaka. Oxf., 1898. P. 370.

19 Przyluski J. Le parinirvāṇa et les funérailles du Bouddha. P., 1920. P. 11, 13, 15, 21.

20 Snellgrove D.L. Śākyamuni’s Final Nirvāṇa. P. 407.

21 Waldschmidt E. Das Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra. Tl. III. P. 430; Weber Cl. Buddhistische Sutras Das Leben des Buddha in Quellentexten. S. 261.

22 Singh P. Burial Practices in Ancient India. Varanasi, 1970. Pl. 31, 36, 47.

23 Bernard P. Deux nouvelles inscriptions grecques d’Asie centrale. III. Commentaire historique // Journal des Savants. 2004. Juillet–Décembre, P. 324.

24 Waldschmidt E. Das Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra. Tl. III. P. 410, 432.

26 Przyluski J. Le partage des reliques du Buddha // Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques. Vol. IV. 1936. P. 354–355; Strong J.S. Relics of the Buddha. P. 101.

27 Tarn W.W. The Greeks in Bactria and India. Cambr., 1938. P. 264, 266.

28 Przyluski J. Le partage des reliques du Buddha // Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques. 1936. Vol. IV. P. 341–343.

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https://www.academia.edu/128943420/Scripta_antiqua_%D0%92%D0%BE%D0%BF%D1%80%D0%BE%D1%81%D1%8B_%D0%B4%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%B2%D0%BD%D0%B5%D0%B9_%D0%B8%D1%81%D1%82%D0%BE%D1%80%D0%B8%D0%B8_%D1%84%D0%B8%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%B8%D0%B8_%D0%B8%D1%81%D0%BA%D1%83%D1%81%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B2%D0%B0_%D0%B8_%D0%BC%D0%B0%D1%82%D0%B5%D1%80%D0%B8%D0%B0%D0%BB%D1%8C%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%B9_%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BB%D1%8C%D1%82%D1%83%D1%80%D1%8B_%D0%92%D1%8B%D0%BF_III

Katsumi TANABE. 2013. “A Study of the Buddha’s Coffin in Gandharan Art,” Scripta Antiqua III, pp. 641-652.

https://www.academia.edu/44958771/ALEXANDER_THE_GREAT_S_CAMPAIGN_IN_BASAND_BAISUN_?fbclid=IwY2xjawOnWRBleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETB6ZnY5NjFPTzRyRzZ6TEpRc3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHohQSxT0N8VpmfmtXXQQToivXXwab20Fxs6Zx6i2HT6M0t6TIb70OU2TuwW6_aem_9CAhA0GoPPXh7HB_WGrmRg

Rtveladze, E. 2018. “Alexander the Great’s campaign in Basand (Baisun),” Anabasis. Studia Classica et Orientalia 9/2018, pp. 129-141.

Magical Maha Maya - Epic Dimensions in Buddhist Art

Pluto abducting Proserpina (Persephone), Cinerary altar with a tabula without inscription, Marble, Baths of Diocletian, Rome, 2nd century CE (Antonine Age 138-180 CE), National Roman Museum, Italy. Proserpina kidnapped Kircheriano Terme.jpg

Ashram of sage Kanva depicted on terracotta plaque, 2nd century BCE

3.1 Shakuntala medallion, Two-sided terracotta disc, Ø 7.7 cm, Bhita, India, 1st-2nd century CE, Kolkata: Indian Museum, Kolkata (N.S.2297)

3.2 Heavenly Arcadia stone-disc, Gandhara, Lahore, Private collection, 2nd century CE

(After Bopearachchi)

To begin with, a terracotta pendant from Bhita near Allahabad depicts a sylvan glade in which the relentless Hades forcibly carries off Persephone in a four-horse chariot. The tiny detail correlates with Pluto’s abduction carved on a 2nd-century Roman cinerary altar.1 At the doorway to the Chaitya-Griha next to a bouquet of six flowers with six-petals earth-mother goddess dashes after the chariot. The peacock and deer close to a lotus pond laud the sacred abode of Maha Vihara Maya Devi worshiped as Lakshmi. At the distant horizon a couple appears behind the fenced-in sanctuary conceived as the home of the blessed after death (3.1). A corresponding stone-disc with miraculous trees encircled by meandering lotus pool is where the souls find a final resting place. In the lower right of the fragment from Gandhara is the couple in a horse-drawn chariot. In the transient art of Perpetual Limbo the heroic and the untainted float in the clouds, and where the cloud ends the divine couple converse by the fenced-in wagon-vaulted Chaitya-Vihara.2 The crowning touch to the barrel roof is a row of Purna-Kalash finials denoting the abode of gods and goddesses (3.2). The dream vision of a Pure Land Elysium carved on the stonedisc from Gandhara is similar to the pictorial relief of Arcadia stamped on both sides of the Bhita terracotta disc just 7.7 cm in diameter. The small stone-disc and the mold for the superfine Bhita medallion were doubtlessly made by an ivory carver or gem engraver.

The repetition of everlasting Pure Land indicates that the sculptors had access to pattern books managed by a Sutradhar. The unique Greco-Buddhist ex-votos are strikingly similar to the much larger Greek marble oscillum discs typically suspended in a temple colonnade or from a tree.

Άς αρχίσουμε με ένα πήλινο κρεμαστό κόσμημα από την Bhita πλησίον του Allahabad το οποίο απεικονίζει ένα δασικό ξέφωτο όπου ο αδυσώπητος Άδης αρπάζει βίαια την Περσεφόνη με ένα άρμα τεσσάρων αλόγων. Η μικροσκοπική λεπτομέρεια συσχετίζεται με την απαγωγή του Πλούτωνα, σκαλισμένη σε ένα ρωμαϊκό τεφροδόχο βωμό του 2ου αιώνα.1 Στην πόρτα του Chaitya-Griha, δίπλα σε ένα μπουκέτο από έξι λουλούδια με έξι πέταλα, η θεά της γης-μητέρας τρέχει πίσω από το άρμα. Το παγώνι και το ελάφι κοντά σε μια λίμνη με λωτό δοξάζουν την ιερή κατοικία της Maha Vihara Maya Devi, που λατρευόταν ως Lakshmi. Στον μακρινό ορίζοντα, ένα ζευγάρι εμφανίζεται πίσω από το περιφραγμένο ιερό, που θεωρείται ως το σπίτι των ευλογημένων μετά θάνατον (3.1). Ένας αντίστοιχος λίθινος δίσκος με θαυματουργά δέντρα, περιτριγυρισμένος από ελικοειδή λίμνη με λωτό, είναι το σημείο όπου οι ψυχές βρίσκουν την τελική κατοικία. Κάτω δεξιά στο θραύσμα από την Gandhara παρουσιάζεται το ζευγάρι σε ένα ιππήλατο άρμα. Στην μεταβατική τέχνη του Perpetual Limbo[1], το ηρωικό και το αμόλυντο επιπλέουν στα σύννεφα, και εκεί που τελειώνει το σύννεφο, το θεϊκό ζευγάρι συνομιλεί δίπλα στην περιφραγμένη, θολωτή Chaitya-Vihara.2 Η κορυφαία πινελιά στην οροφή σε σχήμα βαρελιού είναι μια σειρά από απολήξεις Purna-Kalash[2] που υποδηλώνουν την κατοικία θεών και θεαινών (3.2). Το ονειρικό όραμα ενός Ηλυσίου της Αγνής Γης, σκαλισμένο στον λίθινο δίσκο από την Gandhara, είναι παρόμοιο με το εικονογραφικό ανάγλυφο της Arcadia, που είναι σφραγισμένο και στις δύο πλευρές του δίσκου από τερακότα της Bhita, διαμέτρου μόλις 7,7 εκατοστών. Ο μικρός πέτρινος δίσκος και το καλούπι για το εξαιρετικά λεπτό μετάλλιο της Bhita αναμφίβολα κατασκευάστηκαν από έναν γλύπτη ελεφαντόδοντου ή χαράκτη πολύτιμων λίθων.

Η επανάληψη της αιώνιας Αγνής Γης υποδηλώνει ότι οι γλύπτες είχαν πρόσβαση σε βιβλία μοτίβων που διαχειριζόταν ένας Sutradhar[3]. Τα μοναδικά ελληνοβουδιστικά αναθήματα είναι εντυπωσιακά παρόμοια με τους πολύ μεγαλύτερους ελληνικούς μαρμάρινους δίσκους ταλαντώσεων[4]  που συνήθως αιωρούνται ανηρτημένοι σε μια κιονοστοιχία ναού ή από ένα δέντρο.

The Kattahari Jatakam

In patriotic archaeology, the superb vision of Arcadia captured in the votive discs is eagerly taken up as the “Sign of Shakuntala” from Kalidasa’s Abhijnana-Sakuntala, a Sanskrit classic play of the early Gupta period. The signet ring as a “Sign of Acknowledgment” is critical to the love story of Shakuntala brought up in a secluded hermitage.3 Brahmadatta the King of Banaras rode into the woodlands on his chariot and came upon Shakuntala. A dream conception came about in their brief embrace.

Brahmadatta departed saying, “If it is a girl let my signet ring nurture the child, if not bring the boy and the ring back to me.” Shakuntala took the boy to meet his father but on the way, the ring slid into a river and the king could not recognize Shakuntala without the ring. The same story in the Buddhist Kattahari Jatakam translated by E. B. Cowell tells that when the King of Banaras embraced the damsel the Bodhisattva entered her womb like the bolts of Indra. But without the keepsake signet ring, the King of Banaras would not acknowledge his son. To establish her son’s birthright, the mother swung the child and chucked him up into the air declaring that he would fall and die if he is not the king’s [...] son. The toddler sat cross-legged in space, then descended to sit on the lap of his father the king. Later, the Bodhisattva ruled Banaras as the renowned Katthawahna bearer.

Daniel Chester French's "Abraham Lincoln" prominently depicts fasces on the ends of the armrests. (NPS)[5]

Earliest depiction of a fasces, c. 610 BC, discovered as a grave good in Vetulonia in 1897[7]

Kattha means a bundle of sticks or rods in Sanskrit. A bundle of rods bound together around an ax with the blade projecting called fasces heralded magistral power in ancient Rome. The emblem of authority might also indicate the Avestan barez, the baresman bundle linked to Haoma performed for strength, good health, and undying spirit. Zoroastrian baresman bundle carried by Persian Magi is attested by Strabo and Buddhist artworks. Parthia was then allied to Kushan South Asia known as the Yavana Greek Kingdom. It is said that the Satrap of Barygaza, modern Bharuch formerly known as Broach, augmented wealth by importing Yavana dancing girls and singing boys, now colloquially Bacha bazi and Bacha posh in Afghanistan. A couple of reliefs from Gandhara depict a bundle of sticks or more likely sanctified Kusha grass known as Darbha (Desmotachya bipinnata) said to purify ritual offerings (3.3). The halo splits the terrestrials from the celestial Buddhas in a shallow aedicule framed by attached

Corinthian pillars, which as an architectural monument marks the funerary altar of a mausoleum. At right, the acolyte holding Vajra in hand is Vajrapani unfailingly called Hercules, the protector and the psychopomp guiding newly deceased souls from Earth to the afterlife. The sculptured sanctuary of The Undying Spirit is similar to the mythological subjects carved on contemporary Asiatic Roman sarcophagi that outfitted burials when Christian faith in bodily resurrection spread. The attached columns framing the frieze is derived from the Romans. Four similar engaged fluted Corinthian columns frame the façade of Triumphal Arch of Septimius Severus (145-211 CE) in Roman Forum dedicated in 203 to commemorate the Parthian victories in 195-196.

Το Kattahari Jatakam[9]

Στην πατριωτική αρχαιολογία, το υπέροχο όραμα της Αρκαδίας που αποτυπώνεται στους αναθηματικούς δίσκους γίνεται δεκτό με ενθουσιασμό ως το "Sign of Shakuntala" από το Abhijnana-Sakuntala του Kalidasa, ένα κλασικό σανσκριτικό έργο της πρώιμης περιόδου Gupta. Το σφραγιστικό δακτυλίδι ως "Σημείο Αναγνωρίσεως" είναι κρίσιμο για την ιστορία αγάπης της Shakuntala που μεγάλωσε σε ένα απομονωμένο ερημητήριο.3 Ο Brahmadatta, βασιλιάς του Banaras, μπήκε στα δάση με το άρμα του και συνάντησε τη Shakuntala. Μια ονειρική σύλληψη πραγματοποιήθηκε κατά την σύντομη περίπτυξή τους.

Ο Brahmadatta έφυγε λέγοντας: «Αν είναι κορίτσι, ας αναθρέψει το παιδί το σφραγιστικό δακτυλίδι μου, αν όχι, φέρτε μου πίσω το αγόρι μαζύ και το δαχτυλίδι». Η Shakuntala πήρε το αγόρι για να συναντήσει τον πατέρα του, αλλά στο δρόμο, το δαχτυλίδι γλίστρησε σε ένα ποτάμι και ο βασιλιάς δεν μπορούσε να αναγνωρίσει τη Shakuntala χωρίς το δαχτυλίδι. Η ίδια ιστορία στο βουδιστικό Kattahari Jatakam, μεταφρασμένο από τον E. B. Cowell, αναφέρει ότι όταν ο Βασιλιάς του Banaras αγκάλιασε την κοπέλα, ο Bodhisattva μπήκε στη μήτρα της σαν τον σύρτη (ή μάνδαλο) του Indra. Αλλά χωρίς το αναμνηστικό δαχτυλίδι-σφραγίδα, ο Βασιλιάς του Banaras δεν αναγνώριζε τον γιο του. Για να εδραιώσει το δικαίωμα πρωτοτοκίας του γιου της, η μητέρα κούνησε το παιδί και το πέταξε στον αέρα, δηλώνοντας ότι θα έπεφτε και θα πέθαινε αν δεν ήταν ο γιος του βασιλιά [...]. Το νήπιο καθόταν σταυροπόδι στο κενό και στη συνέχεια κατέβαινε για να καθίσει στην αγκαλιά του πατέρα του, του βασιλιά. Αργότερα, ο Bodhisattva  κυβέρνησε τον Banaras ως ο διάσημος φορέας της Katthawahna.

Kattha[10] σημαίνει μια δέσμη από ραβδιά ή ράβδους στα σανσκριτικά. Μια δέσμη από ράβδους δεμένες μεταξύ τους γύρω από ένα τσεκούρι με τη λεπίδα να προεξέχει, που ονομάζεται fasces, προμήνυε την κυριαρχική δύναμη στην αρχαία Ρώμη.[12] Το έμβλημα της εξουσίας μπορεί επίσης να υποδηλώνει το Avestan barez, τη δέσμη του baresman που συνδέεται με το Haoma που εκτελείται για δύναμη, καλή υγεία και αθάνατο πνεύμα. Η δέσμη των Ζωροαστρών που κουβαλούσαν Πέρσες Μάγοι μαρτυρείται από τον Στράβωνα και βουδιστικά έργα τέχνης. Η Παρθία τότε συμμάχησε με το Kushan της Νότιας Ασίας, γνωστό ως το Ελληνικό Βασίλειο των Yavana. Λέγεται ότι ο Σατράπης της Barygaza, του σύγχρονου Bharuch, παλαιότερα γνωστού ως Broach, αύξησε τον πλούτο εισάγοντας κορίτσια που χόρευαν και αγόρια που τραγουδούσαν από τα Yavana, τώρα γνωστά ως Bacha bazi και Bacha posh στο Αφγανιστάν. Μερικά ανάγλυφα από τη Gandhara απεικονίζουν μια δέσμη από ραβδιά ή, πιο πιθανό, αγιασμένο γρασίδι Kusha, γνωστό ως Darbha (Desmotachya bipinnata), που λέγεται ότι καθαρίζει τις τελετουργικές προσφορές (3.3). Το φωτοστέφανο χωρίζει τους γήινους από τους ουράνιους Βούδες σε ένα ρηχό κιονόκρανο πλαισιωμένο από προσαρτημένους κορινθιακούς κίονες, το οποίο ως αρχιτεκτονικό μνημείο σηματοδοτεί τον ταφικό βωμό ενός μαυσωλείου. Στα δεξιά, ο ακόλουθος που κρατάει τη Vajra στο χέρι είναι ο Vajrapani, που ονομάζεται αναμφισβήτητα Ηρακλής, ο προστάτης και ο ψυχοπομπός που καθοδηγεί τις πρόσφατα νεκρές ψυχές από τη Γη στη μετά θάνατον ζωή. Το γλυπτό ιερό του Αθάνατου Πνεύματος είναι παρόμοιο με τα μυθολογικά θέματα που είναι σκαλισμένα σε σύγχρονες ασιατικές ρωμαϊκές σαρκοφάγους που στόλιζαν τις ταφές όταν εξαπλώθηκε η χριστιανική πίστη στη σωματική ανάσταση. Οι προσαρτημένοι κίονες που πλαισιώνουν τη ζωφόρο προέρχονται από τους Ρωμαίους. Τέσσερις παρόμοιοι εμπλεκόμενοι ραβδωτοί κορινθιακοί κίονες πλαισιώνουν την πρόσοψη της Θριαμβικής Αψίδας του Σεπτίμιου Σεβήρου (145-211 μ.Χ.) στη Ρωμαϊκή Αγορά, η οποία αφιερώθηκε το 203 για να τιμήσει τις νίκες των Πάρθων το 195-196.

3.3 Sanctuary of Undying Spirit, Schist, H.38 cm, Gandhara, 2nd century CE

Lahore Museum, Pakistan[15]

The baresman symbol of the Magi and the Zoroastrian faith spread from Central Asia to the Pamirs and Gandhara where the Buddha holding a baresman bundle [..] sanctifies.4 Hercules crops up wherever the Buddha goes, which is also Greco-Roman heroic homoeroticism. Three men of different social strata come together in the Peshawar frieze and Hercules standing close to Buddha is true to form (3.4). The tableau unfolds as if on a stage; bearded Hercules with a shock of hair resembles Taranis the Celtic thunder god with the wheel mentioned by the Roman poet Lucan (39-65 CE) in his epic poem Pharsalia. Barefoot Hercules wearing the short, off-shoulder rough garment might as well be a freed Celtic slave. But his bulging waist is a furtive comment on his prosperous pouch and propitious nature. The thunderbolt in his hand appears like a bundle of manuscript and he holds a flywhisk to signify the regality of the Buddha distinguished by halo (3.5). The beardless but mustached Buddha with top knot wears a tunic and a palla draped over both his shoulders. The barefoot men striding forward realistically is certainly an offshoot of Greco-Roman theater. Stylistically the Berlin relief is similar to the Peshawar frieze suggesting the hand of the same sculptor. He seems to confirm that the frieze is an eyewitness account of the Mystery plays.

3.4 Haoma of Undying Spirit, Schist, H.39 cm, Gandhara, 2nd century CE

Peshawar Museum, Pakistan

In “The Lost Ring of Sankuntala” published in the Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society (Vol. VII, 1921), Surendra Nath Majumdar Shastri admits that poet Kalidasa borrowed the ring episode from a Greek source. The idea of Shakuntala dropping the keepsake ring into the water, which is swallowed by a fish caught by a fisherman pass into the hands of the palace guard has a charm that can be traced to Herodotus (484-431 BCE). According to the Greek historian[20] Polycrates (532 BCE), the king of Samos amplified his domain in the Aegean Sea. His friend Amasis, the king of Egypt advised him to neutralize his superpower by sacrificing something very precious. Accordingly, Polycrates took off his treasured gold emerald ring and threw it into the ocean. However, his irreplaceable loss caused great anguish when he returned with his fleet. Then a fisherman presented him a huge catch, and to everyone’s astonishment, the king’s signet ring was found in the belly of the fish, which Polycrates accepted as a good omen.5

The bilateral “Shakuntala” terracotta medallion is a portable funerary votive The bilateral “Shakuntala” terracotta medallion is a portable funerary votive related to the Greek oscillum marble discs. In Tillya Tepe burials the embossed gold plaques intended to be jewelry in some way were worn or suspended from clothing. The commemorative embossed plaques, coins, medals, and medallions are created by the

sculptor-jeweler-engraver. First, he creates a large model of the coin in malleable clay or plaster and makes die-cast in a mold. The coin may be struck by dies, one for each side of the coin. Striking with hammers impress the image of the dies upon the blank metal disc or planchet. The countless Indo-Greek coins created for religious reasons are primarily devotional offerings derived from the Greek Hero cult. As commemoratives, the limited editions created for sale to honor particular individuals are medallic art in their own right. [..]

Object Type: coin, Museum number: BNK,G.950[25]

(a) Telephus with a bandaged thigh on an altar (Detail), Athenian red-figure pelike, c. 450 BCE

London: British Museum (E 382)

(b) Telephus with bandaged thigh seated on Roman tomb, Sandstone, Bodh Gaya, 1st century CE  Cue to Hercules and Buddha, in Magical Maha Maya

Vetulonia, Εμπροσθότυπος: Male head wearing a Ketos headdress (sea monster skin)

Οπισθότυπος: Trident surrounded by two dolphins

Παραπομπή, Historia Nummorum Italy 203[25]

Τελετουργική άμαξα του Vetulonia[30]

ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΕΙΣ

[1]. Επισκόπηση AI: Η φράση "Perpetual Limbo" (Περίοδος Πέραν του Τερματισμού) χρησιμοποιείται για να περιγράψει μία κατάσταση όπου κάποιος ή κάτι βρίσκεται σε μια διαρκή αναμονή, σε ένα κενό, χωρίς καμία συγκεκριμένη εξέλιξη. Μπορεί να αναφέρεται σε μια πολιτική που εμποδίζει την οικογενειακή ένωση, ή σε μια κατάσταση όπου κάποιος βρίσκεται σε μια κατάσταση αστάθειας, χωρίς να μπορεί να προχωρήσει σε μια επόμενη φάση της ζωής του.

[2]. Επισκόπηση AI: A Purna-Kalash, also known as a Purna-Kumbha or Purna Ghata, is a sacred symbol in Hinduism, representing abundance, prosperity, and the source of life. It is a metal pot or vase, typically filled with water and adorned with auspicious elements like mango leaves and a coconut. The Purna-Kalash is revered in rituals and ceremonies, particularly weddings, births, and other auspicious occasions, symbolizing fertility, prosperity, and the presence of deities.

[3]. Επισκόπηση AI: Στην ινδική θεατρική παράδοση, ο όρος «Sutradhar» (Σουτράδαρ) αναφέρεται στον σκηνοθέτη ή τον υπεύθυνο για την οργάνωση της παράστασης. Στην έννοια της λέξης, ο Σουτράδαρ είναι αυτός που κρατάει τη «συρτή» (Sutra) ή το «νήμα» (Sutradhar) της παραστάσεως, δηλαδή την ευθύνη για την πορεία και το αποτέλεσμά της. Μπορεί επίσης να αναφέρεται σε μια κοινότητα ανθρώπων που ασχολούνται με την κατασκευή ή την επισκευή ξύλινων αντικειμένων. 

Επιπλέον, ο όρος «Sutradhar» μπορεί να χρησιμοποιηθεί και σε μια μεταφορική έννοια, για να περιγράψει κάποιον που είναι υπεύθυνος για την οργάνωση και την εξέλιξη μιας δραστηριότητας ή μιας κατάστασης...

[4]. Επισκόπηση AI: In Latin, "oscillum" means a small face or mask, often hung up as an offering to deities. It's a diminutive of "os," meaning "face". The term also relates to the act of swinging, as the oscilla would be hung up and sway in the wind. This connection to swinging is reflected in the verb "oscillo" and the English word "oscillate".

[5]. https://www.nps.gov/articles/secret-symbol-of-the-lincoln-memorial.htm#:~:text=In%20ancient%20times%2C%20fasces%20were,held%20imperium%2C%20or%20executive%20authority.

[7]. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasces

Στην Vetulonia (Vatl), μία των 12 πόλεων της Ετρουσκικής ομοσπονδίας, ευρέθη η ταφική στήλη του Auvele Feluske η οποία διαθέτει έντονα τα ίχνη της Ελληνικής επιρροής: Το θέμα του δορυφόρου πολεμιστού φέροντα λάβρυν που υιοθετεί είναι σύνηθες και διαδεδομένο στον Αιγαιακό χώρο, ενώ ο εικονιζόμενος είναι εφοδιασμένος με Κορινθιακό κράνος (Bartolucci Chiara, und). Το όνομα Feluske της ταφικής επιγραφής έχει ενδεχομένως συσχετισθεί με αυτό του Περσέως (Bartolucci Chiara, und; Μούρθος 2021, σελ. 267). To fasces (φάκελος) που ευρέθη στην Vetulonia θεωρείται το πρωτότυπο για τα από τους Ρωμαίους υιοθετηθέν! (Lachlan MacKendrick 1960, p. 36/269). Τα γενικά χαρακτηριστικά και η διάταξη του υπόγειου τάφου της Vetulonia είναι ανάλογα με έναν αριθμό μυκηναϊκών ταφικών μνημείων (Frothingham 1894).

[9]. https://thejatakatales.com/katthahari-jataka-7/

[10]. A bundle of rods bound together around an ax with the blade projecting.

Επισκόπηση AI: The described image is called fasces, a bundle of rods bound together around an axe, with the axe blade projecting. It was a symbol of authority and power in ancient Rome, where lictors would carry it in front of magistrates. 

Here's a more detailed explanation:

Fasces Definition:

The term "fasces" comes from the Latin word "fascis," meaning "bundle". It refers to a bundle of rods bound together, typically with a projecting axe. 

Symbol of Authority: In ancient Rome, the fasces represented the power of the magistrate or leader. 

Lictors and Fasces: Lictors were attendants who carried the fasces, symbolizing the authority of the magistrate. 

Variations: The axe could be present or absent depending on the magistrate's position and whether they held the power of life and death.

[12]. Επισκόπηση AI: The Fasces: Ancient Rome's Most Dangerous Political Symbol ...

The fasces, a symbol of rods bundled together and often including an axe, has a connection to ancient Greece, particularly through the double-headed axe known as the labrys. While the fasces is most famously associated with ancient Rome, its roots and symbolism are deeply intertwined with Greek culture, especially in areas like Crete. 

Άλλωστε κατά το TLG είναι:

TLG

φάκελος [ᾰ], ὁ, bundle, faggot, φρυγάνων, ῥάβδων, Hdt.4.62,67; ξύλων E.Cyc.242; δονάκων Opp.H.4.419 (σφακέλους codd.); ὕλης Th.2.77; οἱ φ. τῶν ῥάβδων, = Lat. fasces, D.C.53.1; also written φάκελλος Arist.Metaph.1016a1 (but φάκελος codd. EJ and Alex.Aphr. and so all codd. in 1042b17), Aen.Tact.33.1, D.H.7.11, J.AJ5.7.4 (v.l. φακέλους), Polyaen.7.6.9, but the form φάκελος is corroborated by Phld.Rh.1.74 S., Edict.Diocl.32.26, and required by the metre in E. and Opp. ll.cc.; distd. from σφάκελος by Ptol.Asc.p.406 H.; cf. κομποφακελορρήμων.

[15]. Offering of Kusa Grass by Sotthiya. Relief of votive stupa. Sikri, Pakistan. 2nd century CE. Central Archaeological Museum, Lahore, Pakistan Photo by John C. Huntington, Courtesy of the Huntington Photographic Archive of Buddhist and Asian Art <https://www.orientalistica.com/en/articles/2843/215361>

[20] Επισκόπηση AI: In his Histories, Book 3, chapters 41-42, Herodotus tells the story of Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos, and his famous ring. Polycrates, advised by Amasis, king of Egypt, to avoid misfortune by throwing away something valuable, throws a prized emerald ring into the sea. A fisherman, impressed by Polycrates' power, catches a large fish and presents it to him as a gift. When Polycrates' servants cut up the fish, they find the ring inside. The story highlights the gods' ability to reverse fortunes and illustrates Herodotus' interest in exploring themes of hubris and the ephemeral nature of success.

[25]. https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/C_BNK-G-950

[25]. https://greekcoinage.org/iris/results?q=mint_facet:%22Vetulonia%22

[30]. Επισκόπηση AI

The "Ritual Cart" from Vetulonia, a major Etruscan city, and its connection to Greek culture is a significant topic in ancient history. While the exact nature of the cart's purpose and the extent of Greek influence are debated, it's clear that it represents a complex interplay between Etruscan and Greek practices.

What is the Ritual Cart?

The "Ritual Cart" from Vetulonia refers to a terracotta artifact, specifically a model cart or chariot, found in an Etruscan tomb. This model depicts a vehicle, likely used in religious or funerary rituals, and is adorned with scenes of people, animals, and possibly gods.

Greek Influence:

Etruscan culture, while distinct, was deeply influenced by Greek culture, particularly in artistic, religious, and funerary practices. The Ritual Cart, with its depictions of Greek deities and scenes, is a testament to this influence. 

Deities:

The figures depicted on the cart may represent Greek deities, indicating the adoption of Greek mythology within Etruscan religious beliefs.

Funerary Rituals:

The cart's placement in a tomb suggests its use in funerary rituals, which are also influenced by Greek practices. Processions, laments, and the laying out of the deceased (prothesis) were common features of both Etruscan and Greek burial rites.

Artistic Style:

The artistic style of the Ritual Cart, with its depictions of humans and animals, is also influenced by Greek art.

Key Features and Interpretations:

Function:

The cart's purpose is debated, but it is generally believed to be related to religious or funerary rituals, possibly representing a procession or journey into the afterlife.

Scenes Depicted:

The scenes depicted on the cart may include mythological figures, sacrifices, or other religious events.

Greek Influence:

The presence of Greek deities and the overall artistic style suggest a strong Greek influence on Etruscan art and beliefs. 

In Conclusion:

The Ritual Cart from Vetulonia is a fascinating artifact that sheds light on the complex relationship between Etruscan and Greek cultures. It demonstrates the adoption of Greek artistic styles, religious beliefs, and funerary practices by the Etruscans, highlighting the vibrant cultural exchange that occurred in ancient Italy.

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ

https://www.academia.edu/45483233/Magical_Maha_Maya_Epic_Dimensions_in_Buddhist_Art

https://www.academia.edu/42296102/Cue_to_Hercules_and_Buddha_in_Magical_Maha_Maya_Epic_Dimensions_in_Buddhist_Art

Sengupta, A. R. 2021. "Cue to Hercules and Buddha," in Magical Maha Maya - Epic Dimensions in Buddhist Art, Agam Kala Prakshan, New Delhi.

https://antigonejournal.com/2023/07/roman-fasces/

T. Corey Brennan. 2023. "The Fasces: Ancient Rome’s Most Dangerous Political Symbol," in Antigone Journal, <https://antigonejournal.com/2023/07/roman-fasces/> (6 June 2025).

https://oxfordre.com/classics/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.001.0001/acrefore-9780199381135-e-6765?p=emailAaHN7geZOcpCg&d=/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.001.0001/acrefore-9780199381135-e-6765

Ridgway, D. W. R. 2016. Oxford Classical Dictionary, s.v. Vetulonia 

https://dokumen.pub/qdownload/the-mute-stones-speak-the-story-of-archaeology-in-italy-0393301192-9780393301199.html

Lachlan MacKendrick, P. 1960. The Mute Stones Speak: The Story of Archaeology in Italy, New York.

https://pergamos.lib.uoa.gr/uoa/dl/object/2941048/file.pdf

Μούρθος, Ιω. 2021. "Κοινωνική μνήμη και ταυτότητα στην αρχαία Ελληνική πόλη: Οι περιπτώσεις της Θάσου, της Σαμοθράκης και της Λήμνου από την άφιξη των Ελλήνων μέχρι την ύστερη αρχαιότητα" (διδ. ΕΚΠΑ).

https://www.academia.edu/37143780/Stele_Auvele_Feluske_docx

Bartolucci Chiara. (und). "Stele di Aule Feluske o stele del guerriero di Vetulonia," <https://www.academia.edu/37143780/Stele_Auvele_Feluske_docx> (7 June 2025).

https://www.jstor.org/stable/496458

A. L. Frothingham, Jr. 1894. "A Primitive Dome with Pendentives at Vetulonia," The American Journal of Archaeology and of the History of the Fine Arts 9 (2), pp. 213-216.

https://academic.oup.com/book/12242/chapter-abstract/161720972?redirectedFrom=fulltext
Wendy Doniger. 2017. "Shakuntala and the Ring of Memory," in The Ring of Truth: And Other Myths of Sex and Jewelry, Oxford University Press.
.. Abstract

The jewelry of princess Sita plays a key role in the ancient Indian epic, the Ramayana, and in a play about an Indian king who falls in love with a mystery woman identified only by her necklace. A ring is found in a fish in the tale of Shakuntala, a simple forest girl seduced by a king who pretends to forget her when she appears at court, pregnant with his child. When a court poet retold the story, he saved the king’s reputation by adding a ring with a curse on it, which erased the king’s memory of Shakuntala—until the ring was found in a fish served at the royal table. When we combine these stories with those of Solomon and Polycrates, we can excavate a broader mythology of rings found in fish, a mythology that expresses the hope that we can retrieve a lost past.

..

Kalidasa may also have known the story of Polycrates's ring (Romila Thapar, Sakuntala, 56), type A of the ring-in-fish story, though he uses type B (the Solomon ..

..

https://el.wikipedia.org/wiki/%CE%A4%CE%AE%CE%BB%CE%B5%CF%86%CE%BF%CF%82

Wikipedia, s.v. Τήλεφος

https://historum.com/t/kausambi-palace-an-obscure-major-discovery-from-1962-for-indian-architecture.177981/

Kausambi Palace, an obscure major discovery from 1962 for Indian architecture

https://el.wikipedia.org/wiki/%CE%91%CE%B9%CE%B8%CE%B9%CE%BF%CF%80%CE%B9%CE%BA%CE%AC

.. Η Χαρίκλεια, κόρη του βασιλιά Υδάσπη και της βασίλισσας Περσίνας της Αιθιοπίας, γεννήθηκε λευκή καθώς η βασίλισσα κατά τη διάρκεια της εγκυμοσύνης εντυπωσιάστηκε από ένα μαρμάρινο άγαλμα (ένα παράδειγμα της θεωρίας της μητρικής εντύπωσης ). Φοβούμενη τις κατηγορίες για μοιχεία, η Περσίνα εγκαταλείπει την κόρη της αλλά της αφήνει τρία δώρα: μια ενεπίγραφη κορδέλα, ένα περιδέραιο και ένα δαχτυλίδι με υπερφυσικές και μυστικιστικές ιδιότητες. Το μωρό παραδόθηκε στη φροντίδα ενός ιερέα που αργότερα το έδωσε στον Χαρικλή, έναν ιερέα του μαντείου των Δελφών, μεταφέρθηκε στους Δελφούς όπου μεγάλωσε με το όνομα Χαρίκλεια και στην εφηβεία της έγινε ιέρεια της Άρτεμης.[4]

ΠΟΛΥΚΡΑΤΗΣ - BAMIYAN

DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.15827.95522

Hellenistic Alexandrian idiom on Castelseprio frescoes

ΤΟ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΙΝΟ ΚΑΛΛΙΤΕΧΝΙΚΟ ΙΔΙΩΜΑ ΠΑΡΟΝ ΣΤΙΣ ΤΟΙΧΟΓΡΑΦΙΕΣ ΤΟΥ CASTELSEPRIO (πλησίον VARESE, MILAN)

ερανίσματα

Caskey, Cohen & Safran 2023

Castelseprio frescoes

Μια μικρή εκκλησία έξω από το Castelseprio περιέχει έναν κύκλο από εικόνες της Θεοτόκου (Μαριανές) που ανακαλύφθηκαν το 1944. Γνωστη ως Santa Maria foris Portas (Η Αγία Μαρία έξω από τις Πύλες), το σημερινό τρίκογχο ήταν αρχικά μονής αψίδος. Εκτός από την Ετοιμασία στην αψίδα του ιερού και τις σκηνές του Ευαγγελισμού, της Επισκέψεως, του Ταξίδι στη Βηθλεέμ, της Γεννήσεως, της Προσκυνήσεως των Μάγων και της Παρουσίας του Ιησού στο Ναό, μια σπάνια τοιχογραφία δείχνει τη Μαρία να υποβάλλεται σε δοκιμασία πίνοντας πικρό νερό στο Ναό. Αυτή η δοκιμασία , (βασισμένη στο βιβλικό βιβλίο των Αριθμών 10:11–31, είχε σκοπό να αποκαλύψει εάν μια γυναίκα ήταν άπιστη σύζυγος. Μια άλλη σκηνή δείχνει έναν ονειροπόλο Ιωσήφ, τον σύζυγο της Μαρίας, να καθησυχάζεται από έναν άγγελο ότι αυτό δεν συνέβαινε. Υπάρχουν στοιχεία από τη νότια Ιταλία και από το Κάιρο Γενίζα, που ανιχνεύει την πρακτική του ενήλικα με νερό. και σκόνη από το ιερό της Τορά μιας συναγωγής.

Οι μελετητές έχουν συζητήσει για δεκαετίες σχετικά με την ημερομηνία αυτών των βυζαντινής όψεως τοιχογραφιών, στις οποίες τα πρόσωπα δεν διαμορφώνονται από γραμμές αλλά από πινελιές χρώματος σε ένα πρασινωπό υπόβαθρο (έδαφος). Οι πιθανές χρονολογίες κυμαίνονται από τον έβδομο έως τον δέκατο αιώνα. Η χρονολόγηση έγινε σαφέστερη μετά τη χρονολόγηση με C 14 των ξύλινων δοκών και τις δοκιμές θερμοφωταύγειας των πήλινων πλακιδίων, οι οποίες μαζί έδειξαν ότι η εκκλησία χτίστηκε μεταξύ 778 και 952. Το ξύλο δειγματολήφθηκε εκ νέου το 2012 χρησιμοποιώντας νεότερες μεθόδους, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της δενδροχρονολογήσεως, η οποία έδωσε μια ημερομηνία μεταξύ 928 και 980. Χάραγμα στην Λατινική αναφέρει το όνομα ενός αρχιεπισκόπου στο Μιλάνο που κατείχε αυτό το αξίωμα από το 936 έως το 948. Η χρονολόγηση με άνθρακα των ευρημάτων στο γύρω νεκροταφείο παραπέμπει επίσης στον δέκατο αιώνα.

Στα μέσα του δέκατου αιώνα η βόρεια Ιταλία δεν ήταν μέρος του βυζαντινού βασιλείου, αλλά οι τοιχογραφίες του Castelseprio υποδηλώνουν ότι ένας πλανόδιος βυζαντινός καλλιτέχνης βρήκε δουλειά εκεί. Υπήρχαν σίγουρα δεσμοί μεταξύ του Βυζαντίου και της βόρειας Ιταλίας: γύρω στο 945, η Bertha, κόρη του τοπικού βασιλιά, παντρεύτηκε τον μελλοντικό βυζαντινό αυτοκράτορα Ρωμανό Β', ένα γεγονός που τιμάται σε ένα σωζόμενο ελεφαντόδοντο, ενώ και Βυζαντινοί αριστοκράτες παντρεύτηκαν με τους Οθωμανούς ηγεμόνες της περιοχής ξεκινώντας από το 972. Ωστόσο, επειδή αυτός ο ταλαντούχος βυζαντινός καλλιτέχνης δεν άφησε άλλα ίχνη στην περιοχή, ορισμένοι μελετητές χρονολογούν ακόμη τους πίνακες Castelseprio στον έβδομο ή όγδοο αιώνα, όταν το εκφραστικό ύφος των νωπογραφιών τους μαρτυρείται στη Ρώμη. 

Šimová 2021

p. 7-8: Morey, together with another art historian Dimitri Tselos argues that the Hellenistic Alexandrian tradition persisted to the Early Middle Ages. In terms of Castelseprio style, they compared it to the drawing style of the Utrecht Psalter from the early 9th century, which was, according to them, evidently made by a Greek hand.19 Tselos made a remark that the Weitzmann’s conclusions concerning the Castelseprio frescoes were weakened by his avoidance of the testimony of Christian works of the West, by his excessive partisanship for the Macedonian Renaissance. He blurs the chronological and stylistic issue by speaking of a 7th or 8th century date.20 

p. 14: . At the same time, he {John Mitchell} obviously puts emphasis on its features associated with the “Hellenistic” idiom which is developed for new audiences. He even makes some stylistic comparisons to the Menologion of Basil II and Utrecht Psalter, pivotal illumination of the Carolingian period. He continues that the Santa Maria foris portas together with other churches as Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome, according to Panazza confirm the existence of this koine, common language, or lingua franca, which has generally been understood in terms of Byzantine art and the West.47 

p. 32: Being the first one to write about the style of the frescoes in the 1948 monograph, Capitani D’Arzago came with the hypothesis that the artists behind their creation fled to north Italy from Palestine as a result of the Arab war.84He proposed that the original Hellenistic centers of Syria and Egypt, particularly Antioch and Alexandria, were the only places where the pure form of Hellenism survived. According to him, this preserved tradition of classical style can be seen in the overall atmosphere of the Castelseprio frescoes, in the painted draperies, columns, and even nature. For the foundation of his connection between Castelseprio and Egyptian art, he used mosaics from the apse of the S. Catherine monastery on Mount Sinai, specifically the archangels holding the sceptres on the triumphal arch as an analogy to the ones in Castelseprio arch, in which I personally, don't see resemblance beside the use of the same iconography.85 

p. 33-34: In the year 1900, the early 6th century church of Santa Maria Antiqua on the slope of the Palatine Hill was rediscovered. Its prolific fresco programmes were carried out between the 6th and 9th centuries. 86 For the purposes of this chapter and my assumption, the 7th century murals serve as an important analogy for the ones in Castelseprio. Their fluid input of secular classical style for the Christian structure of such importance makes them so important not only in this but also for the entire 7th century artistic production. Many of its paintings made for entirely religious purposes are made in a strong Hellenistic current, specifically the bold style reminiscent of the Pompeian frescoes. 87 In the central nave, there is the scene depicting the Maccabees, depicting the martyr story of a woman and her seven sons from Old Testament. 88They were commonly venerated by Christians as martyrs during the early Middle Ages. The fresco is dated approximately around the year 650. It was made with quick strokes of paint in a very naturalistic way typical for Hellenistic art. 

p. 35-36: In addition to that, a strong sense of reusing the elements of Hellenistic tradition is also noticeable on the triumphal arch of the church. It is adorned with the scene of Adoration of the Crucified, probably painted on the commission of Pope John VII (705- 707). In the middle zone of this immense mural, there is the group of bowing angels.89 They are covered in the flowy masses of the garments, which remind me of the lightweight textiles of the draperies on multiple figures in Castelseprio. However, amongst many fragmentary murals on the walls of Santa Maria Antiqua, there is another one resembling the Santa Maria foris portas style even more, in its elongated, flowy materia created only with few confident brushstrokes. The Anastasis, or the Harrowing of Hell scene located in the passage towards the imperial ramp in the left aisle and right wall of the church.90

p. 36-37: As André Grabar wrote already in 1936, the earliest known instances of this arch-Byzantine scene present in the West can be found in the art produced during the reign of Pope John VII.91 The theory that Eastern artists were present in Rome during the time of iconoclasm in the Byzantine Empire

and participated in the decorating of the Santa Maria Antiqua space is widely accepted.92 Not only their style, but also typically Byzantine technique used for fresco painting is distinguishable there.93 In conclusion, all the traces mentioned above lead us to the capital of Byzantine Empire, Constantinople, where the Hellenistic tradition must have been alive for centuries.94 Figures of angels or Anastasis’ Christ, boldly sketched, imply a living tradition, not just a poor attempt to imitate models from the long-lost past. More importantly, all those aspects can be analogous to the stylistic choices made in Santa Maria foris portas.

pp. 39-

I am convinced that in order to comprehend the complexities of our fresco cycle’s style which combined two at that time major artistic traditions in a challenging way, we must not stop here and look beyond Weitzmann’s and Mitchell’s understanding of styles, their function, and places where they originated. Ernst Kitzinger’s book “Byzantine Art in the Making” provides a muchneeded foundation for us to understand the Hellenistic art repeatedly used and altered throughout the early Middle Ages.105 He traced the Hellenistic tradition back to its origins before providing a comprehensive overview of its reappearances in the Western and Eastern Roman Empires. Looking back to the 7th century, he proposes that the craftsmen of the iconic silverware such as one of the Silenus Plate may have gone back to much earlier work of the kind represented by the Mildenhall plates and tried to imitate it. A dish depicting a pastoral scene with a shepherd, now in the Hermitage Museum, and a fragment of plate at Dumbarton Oaks, both dated to the Justinian period, are older examples of this scenario. A similar process may have occurred during the first half of Byzantine Emperor Heraclius’ reign (610-641), as evidenced by silver plates depicting David and Goliath from Cyprus. The subject matter of these 7th century plates is religious, but they are functionally secular. When examining them, their carefully modelled limbs and draperies capture an afterglow of Hellenistic brilliance and finesse. They must have belonged to higher officials who had close connections with the court in Constantinople.106

Return to the ancient models was also present in the literature, within the works of the court poet of Heraclius, George the Pisidian.107 This adds to the usual convention that the upstart rulers’ tastes frequently gravitate in this direction, as Byzantine emperor Theodosius II (408–450 A.D.) also had implemented elements of Hellenism to convey the imperial ideas in his Gold Solidus.108 Those revivals were frequently modelled after one another and are so explicit in their design that their executions must have been deliberate and purposeful. Counterpart to the mythological silver reliefs and another example of secular art from Byzantine metropole, that should be mentioned in this context, is the floor mosaic from Imperial palace in Constantinople, made during the reign of Justinian (7th century or even 700 A.D.) It is, however, too isolated to clarify its exact position, which again, proves the ever-present flow of Hellenistic tradition during early Middle Ages.109

Kitzinger 1977, pp. 118-119.

Ο αρχάγγελος Γαβριήλ σε τοιχογραφία από την εκκλησία της Σάντα Μαρία Αντίκα στη Ρώμη (Ιταλία). Πολλοί εικονολάτρες, για ν’ αποφύγουν τις διώξεις πήγαν στην Ιταλική χερσόνησο. Εκεί σώθηκαν έργα που δείχνουν ότι η καλλιτεχνική παράδοση συνεχίστηκε. 7ος -- 8ος αιώνας

EXCERPT FROP PAGES 118-119 .. chubby Child, dressed in a rich golden robe and shown comfortably seated on his mother's lap with his legs strongly foreshortened, is an outstanding piece of painting. The head of the Virgin in its fleshy fullness has some similarities with that of St Barbara in S. Maria Antigua (figs. 211, 214). Admittedly, the tatter is a cruder piece of work, but the affinity does suggest that the Sinai icon is of much the same date. Some scholars, it is true, have attributed it to the sixth century but no concrete evidence has been produced to support so early a date.[15] Finally, in the two saints and more especially in the marvellous figure of the bearded St Theodore on the left (fig. 215), matter is entirely subordinated to spirit. The slim, ascetic face glows as if consumed by an inner fire. With his huge dark eyes firmly fixed upon us, the saint exerts an almost hypnotic power. His tall, thin body sheathed in a mantle that has the quality of glass but suggests little of the anatomy, also seems drained of substance. It neither requires nor crates space around itself. I know of no such figure in sixth-century art. Disembodied and columnar, the two saints recall figures such as those in the ex voto mosaics on the piers of the Church of St Demetrius in Thessaloniki (figs. 189, 190), a comparison which reinforces my contention that the Sinai icon is, indeed, a work of the first half of the seventh century.

We thus aid up comparing figures from a painting clearly rooted in Hellenistic impressionism with figures from a monument previously cited among the exponents of abstraction during this period. It is the phenomenon of the 'modes' which explains the apparent paradox. The Sinai icon provides an out-standing example of an artist modulating his style within one and the same context to suit different subjects, to set off from one another different orders of being and to express different functions. His angels are airy and weightless. His Virgin, and especially the Child, are incarnate in the literal sense of that word. In his depiction of saints - these hallowed persons who are the faithful's conduits to the Deity - he has employed many of the devices of the abstract style.

It was the emphasis on she incarnate body which in the long run was to prevail. In the murals of S.Maria Antigua, where in the first half of the seventh century Hellenistic impressionism had appeared in such purity and strength, we can observe that style's continued hold on religious painting during the latter half of she century and beyond; and we can see that increasingly its practitioners put emphasis on volume and fleshly reality as the painters of the St Anne and St Barbara panels had done earlier. For reasons unknown, the Annunciation scene in the nave (fig. 208) was covered over after about two generations with another fresco of the same subject, a painting quite similar in iamography but very different in style (fig. 209).[16] The impressionist technique, so boldly used in the earlier work, is still clearly in evidence, but it has become a means of modelling solid, massive forms. It is particularly interesting to find the figure of an angel made a vehicle of what might almost be taken for an artist's silent critique of a predecessor's work. This is one angelic figure which is anything but incorporeal. The modal convention for angels has had its character and meaning completely transformed by an overriding interest in monumentality and weighs.

I have already referred to the comprehensive redecoration of the chancel of S.Maria Antiqua, which took place in the years AD 705-7 under Pope John VII.[17] Probably it was then that the earlier Annunciation scene was replaced." In any case, the same taste for large, massive figures as in the later version is very much in evidence in John VIPs decoration. A series of well-preserved busts of apostles in medallions on the side walls of the chancel best exemplifies this (figs. 216, 217). Impressionist verve is not lost in these paintings, as witness the sharp, broken highlights juxtaposed with dark shadows on the mantle of Andrew or the equally bold rendering of the dishevelled hair that had long since become an established feature of that apostle's physiognomy. But the painterly detail is clearly contained and circumscribed by heavy lines that pro-vide a firm and ample structure for the entire head. Far from making for evanescence and transparency, the strong highlights, shadows and colour accents serve to bring out the solidity of each component part of that structure. Thus the figures become commanding bodily presences. Though comfortably placed in natural three-quarter views within their circular frames, they still have their huge, dark eyes firmly and squarely fixed on the beholder.

There is an affinity here with the art of the early Justinianic age. Nowhere in the intervening period had natural and organic forms been fused so completely with firm geometric construction; and nowhere had there been, as a result, figures of such authourity, weight and power. The head of St Peter, from the apse mosaic of the Church of SS. Cosma and Damiano - previously illustrated as an example of the great `Justinianic synthesis. in Rome itself (fig. 160) - makes a suggestive comparison with the head of St Andrew in S.Maria Antigua. In the nearly two centuries that separate these two works there had been much hieratic solemnity; there had also been a good deal of Hellenism, sometimes in exuberant forms. But there had not been any real fusion combining essential denim of both in a single unified conception.

Is is not likely that this fusion took place without actual inspiration from Justinianic art. I believed at one time that this was a local Roman phenomenon. But subsequently evidence began to accumulate which suggests that the work commissioned by John VII (who was the son of a high Byzantine official in Rome) reflects a development within the mainstream of Byzantine art. The ..

Ο παχουλός Χριστός παις, ενδεδυμένος με μια πλούσια χρυσή ρόμπα και απεικονίζεται αναπαυτικά καθισμένος στην αγκαλιά της μητέρας του με τα πόδια του έντονα υποδιαστασιολογημένα, είναι ένα εξαιρετικό έργο ζωγραφικής. Η κεφαλή της Παναγίας στη σαρκώδη πληρότητά της έχει κάποιες ομοιότητες με αυτήν της Αγίας Βαρβάρας στην S. Maria Antigua (εικ. 211, 214). Ομολογουμένως, το τελευταίο είναι ένα πιο χονδροκομμένο έργο, αλλά η συγγένεια υποδηλώνει ότι η εικόνα του Σινά είναι σχεδόν της ίδιας χρονολογίας. Ορισμένοι μελετητές, είναι αλήθεια, το έχουν αποδώσει στον έκτο αιώνα, αλλά δεν έχουν προσκομιστεί συγκεκριμένα στοιχεία που να υποστηρίζουν μια τόσο πρώιμη ημερομηνία.[15] Τέλος, στους δύο αγίους και ειδικότερα στη θαυμαστή μορφή του γενειοφόρου Αγίου Θεοδώρου στα αριστερά (εικ. 215), η ύλη υποτάσσεται εξ ολοκλήρου στο πνεύμα. Το λεπτό, ασκητικό πρόσωπο λάμπει σαν να το καταναλώνει μια εσωτερική φωτιά. Με τα τεράστια σκούρα μάτια του καρφωμένα πάνω μας, ο άγιος ασκεί μια σχεδόν υπνωτική δύναμη. Το ψηλό, λεπτό σώμα του, καλυμμένο με μανδύα που έχει την ποιότητα του γυαλιού, αλλά υποδηλώνει ελάχιστα την ανατομία, φαίνεται επίσης στραγγισμένο από ουσία. Ούτε απαιτεί ούτε προυποθέτει την ύπαρξη χώρου γύρω του. Δεν γνωρίζω καμία τέτοια μορφή στην τέχνη του έκτου αιώνα. Ασώματοι και κιονοειδείς, οι δύο άγιοι θυμίζουν μορφές όπως εκείνες στα ex voto ψηφιδωτά στους πυλώνες του ναού του Αγίου Δημητρίου στην Θεσσαλονίκη (εικ. 189, 190), σύγκριση που ενισχύει τον ισχυρισμό μου ότι η εικόνα του Σινά είναι, όντως, έργο του πρώτου μισού του έβδομου αιώνα. Βοηθάμε έτσι τη σύγκριση μορφών από έναν πίνακα που ξεκάθαρα έχει τις ρίζες του στον ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΤΙΚΟ ιμπρεσιονισμό με αλλες από ένα μνημείο που αναφέρθηκε προηγουμένως μεταξύ των εκφραστών της αφαίρεσης κατά τη διάρκεια αυτής της περιόδου. Είναι το φαινόμενο των «τρόπων» που εξηγεί το φαινομενικό παράδοξο. Το εικονίδιο του Σινά παρέχει ένα εξαιρετικό παράδειγμα ενός καλλιτέχνη που διαμορφώνει το ύφος του μέσα σε ένα και το αυτό πλαίσιο για να ταιριάζει σε διαφορετικά θέματα, να ξεχωρίζει ο ένας από τον άλλο διαφορετικές τάξεις ύπαρξης και να εκφράζει διαφορετικές λειτουργίες. Οι άγγελοί του είναι ευάεροι και χωρίς βάρος. Η Παναγία Του, και ιδιαίτερα το Βρέφος, είναι ενσαρκωμένα με την κυριολεκτική έννοια αυτής της λέξης. Στην απεικόνισή του των αγίων - αυτών των αγιασμένων προσώπων που είναι οι αγωγοί των πιστών προς τη Θεότητα - έχει χρησιμοποιήσει πολλές από τις συσκευές του αφηρημένου στυλ. Ήταν η έμφαση στο ενσαρκωμένο της σώμα που μακροπρόθεσμα έμελλε να επικρατήσει. Στις τοιχογραφίες της S.Maria Antigua, όπου στο πρώτο μισό του έβδομου αιώνα ο ελληνιστικός ιμπρεσιονισμός είχε εμφανιστεί με τόση αγνότητα και δύναμη, μπορούμε να παρατηρήσουμε τη συνεχιζόμενη επικράτηση αυτού του στυλ στη θρησκευτική ζωγραφική κατά το δεύτερο μισό του αιώνα της και μετά. και μπορούμε να δούμε ότι όλο και περισσότερο οι ασκούμενοί του έδιναν έμφαση στον όγκο και τη σαρκική πραγματικότητα όπως είχαν κάνει νωρίτερα οι ζωγράφοι των πάνελ της Αγίας Άννας και της Αγίας Βαρβάρας. Για άγνωστους λόγους, η σκηνή του Ευαγγελισμού στο σηκό (εικ. 208) καλύφθηκε μετά από δύο περίπου γενιές με μια άλλη τοιχογραφία με το ίδιο θέμα, έναν πίνακα αρκετά παρόμοιο στην ιαμογραφία αλλά πολύ διαφορετικό στο ύφος (εικ. 209).[16] Η ιμπρεσιονιστική τεχνική, που τόσο τολμηρά χρησιμοποιήθηκε στο προηγούμενο έργο, είναι ακόμα ξεκάθαρα αποδεδειγμένη, αλλά έχει γίνει ένα μέσο μοντελοποίησης συμπαγών, ογκωδών μορφών. Είναι ιδιαίτερα ενδιαφέρον να βρεις τη φιγούρα ενός αγγέλου που αποτελεί όχημα αυτού που θα μπορούσε σχεδόν να θεωρηθεί για τη σιωπηλή κριτική ενός καλλιτέχνη στο έργο ενός προκατόχου. Αυτή είναι μια αγγελική φιγούρα που κάθε άλλο παρά ασώματη είναι. Η τροπική σύμβαση για τους αγγέλους έχει μεταμορφωθεί πλήρως από τον χαρακτήρα και το νόημά της από το κυρίαρχο ενδιαφέρον για τη μνημειακότητα και τη βαρύτητα...

Έχω ήδη αναφερθεί στον εκτενή αναδόμηση του ναού της Santa Maria Antiqua, που έγινε κατά τα έτη 705-7 μ.Χ. επί Πάπα Ιωάννη Ζ'.[17] Πιθανώς ήταν τότε που αντικαταστάθηκε η προηγούμενη σκηνή του Ευαγγελισμού.[18] Σε κάθε περίπτωση, η ίδια γεύση για μεγάλες, τεράστιες φιγούρες όπως και στη μεταγενέστερη έκδοση είναι πολύ εμφανής στη διακόσμηση του Ιωάννου VIΙ. Μια σειρά από καλοδιατηρημένες προτομές αποστόλων στο τα μετάλλια στους πλευρικούς τοίχους του πρωινού το αποδεικνύουν καλύτερα αυτό (εικ. 216, 217) Η ιμπρεσιονιστική λάμψη δεν χάνεται σε αυτούς τους πίνακες, όπως μαρτυρούν οι αιχμηρές, σπασμένες ανταύγειες που αντιπαρατίθενται με σκούρες σκιές στο μανδύα του Ανδρέα ή η εξίσου τολμηρή απόδοση του τα ατημέλητα μαλλιά που είχαν γίνει εδώ και καιρό ένα καθιερωμένο χαρακτηριστικό της φυσιογνωμίας του αποστόλου. Αλλά η ζωγραφική λεπτομέρεια περιέχεται ξεκάθαρα και οριοθετείται από βαριές γραμμές που παρέχουν μια σταθερή και άφθονη δομή για ολόκληρο το κεφάλι. Οι έντονες ανταύγειες, οι σκιές και οι χρωματικοί τόνοι χρησιμεύουν για να αναδείξουν τη στιβαρότητα κάθε συστατικού μέρους αυτής της δομής. Έτσι οι φιγούρες γίνονται επιβλητικές σωματικές παρουσίες. σκούρα μάτια καρφωμένα σταθερά και ίσια στον θεατή.

Υπάρχει μια συγγένεια εδώ με την τέχνη της πρώιμης Ιουστινιανικής εποχής. Πουθενά στο διάστημα που μεσολάβησε, οι φυσικές και οι οργανικές μορφές δεν είχαν συγχωνευθεί τόσο πλήρως με σταθερή γεωμετρική κατασκευή. και δεν υπήρχε πουθενά,

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