CHINESE CIVILISATION AND ITS AEGEAN (GREEK) AFFINITIES: A SUMMARY
About the book
This book, written in Greek,
critically examines the view that China developed a complex society and high
culture without external influence. It demonstrates that contact and
interaction did take place, based on mobility, migration and exchange processes
mainly along the Eurasian Steppe Highway and the Silk Road. These
interactions occurred not only through nomadic tribes but also through their
agency, and included connections with the Mediterranean world, the
Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex, as well as the Afanasevo and Andronovo
cultural horizons. Hellenistic civilization is shown to have been a significant
participant in this cultural encounter, primarily through its local cultural
hybrids in the Greco–Bactrian and Indo-Greek polities. The use of gold and
silver as preferred luxury materials, along with the emergence of realistic,
life-size sculptures, are indicative examples of a pronounced Greek influence. These
features, together with developments in architecture, landscape painting,
jewelry-making techniques, martial arts, and more, owe a considerable debt to
Aegean heritage.
Western influences in China
are generally acknowledged to be numerous and significant; however,
distinguishing specifically Aegean or Greek elements remains difficult and
often controversial. Nevertheless, certain features—such as funerary and
monumental architecture, the use of gold and silver, advanced jewelry
techniques (including casting, hammering, repoussé, chiseling, polishing, and
filigree), the development of landscape painting, and the appearance of
life-size realistic sculptures—suggest a notable Greek dimension. Additional
elements, including innovations in glassmaking, beadwork, military technology,
wrestling, and athletic practices, also exhibit varying degrees of Greek
influence. These influences were transmitted sometimes through direct contact
and more often through intermediary nomadic populations. As Arnold Toynbee
aptly observed, the steppe can be likened to the sea from a historical
perspective, while the horse and the camel may be considered the equivalents of
naval vessels.
Concluding
remarks
The
discovery of mummified remains in the Tarim Basin and the wider Xinjiang
region, along with the relevant genetic studies, confirms the presence of
non-Chinese populations in the area since the beginning of the second
millennium BC.[11_1] The genetic identity of these settlers has been identified
as predominantly European, while in many cases their origins have been traced
specifically to the Eastern Mediterranean.
At the same
time, it appears that major discoveries and innovations were introduced into
China from abroad, particularly from the second half of the second millennium
BC onward. Xinjiang emerges not only as a crucial interface between China and
the external world, but also as a region where population mixing occurred and
where significant innovations first appeared on Chinese soil.[11_2]
Metalworking, the domesticated horse, the chariot, and wheat cultivation are
among the elements that shaped Chinese material culture and are believed to be
linked, to varying degrees, with the Afanasevo and Andronovo cultural horizons.
Religious, cosmological, and other ideological influences also contributed to
shaping the spiritual identity of this great civilization.
Today, it
is widely accepted that Chinese culture developed within an interconnected
world, where external influences and exchanges were far more significant than
previously assumed. The traditional view that China developed its civilization
in isolation, as a self-contained “cradle of civilization in the East,” is
increasingly recognized as inaccurate. Rudyard Kipling’s famous phrase, “East
is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet,” is clearly
contradicted by historical evidence. In reality, there was sustained and
multifaceted interaction—with the nomadic tribes of the Eurasian steppe, as
well as with regions such as the Mediterranean, the Oxus, and the Indus.
Contacts extended even to the Hellenistic world and its cultural hybrids in Bactria
and India. These exchanges proved to be both dynamic and highly productive.
Direct
political or military contact between the Chinese and the Greek world is
attested—or at least considered probable—in several cases, despite the largely
mythological nature of some Central Asian traditions, such as the account of
the Macedonian Shah-i-Duhan’s campaign against China in ancient times.[11_3]
The earliest possible contact is often placed during the reign of Emperor Wu,
who is said to have campaigned against Dayuan (possibly Greater Ionia) and
Alexandria Eschate during the War of the Heavenly Horses (104–102 BC).[11_4]
Subsequently, an alliance between the Han dynasty and Hermaeus was formed to
confront the Saka tribes of Jibin. Relations fluctuated between cooperation and
conflict until the eventual downfall of the Greek ruler. Another possible
instance is associated with the Battle of Talas (in present-day Kyrgyzstan),
where Greeks are thought to have served in the Roman Legio XV Apollinaris (36
BC). Finally, between 64 BC and 114 AD,[11_5] Claudius Ptolemy (Geography
1.11.7) refers to the organization of an exploratory and commercial expedition
by the Macedonian Maes Titianos,[11_6] which traveled from the Mediterranean to
the so-called Stone Tower in Xinjiang,[11_7] and possibly as far as the Chinese
court of Emperor He.[11_8]
Fig.
11_1: Western Han horse hoof-shaped gold ingots unearthed from the tomb
of Marquis of Haihun
In the wider
Eurasian region, highly developed civilizations flourished and interacted in
ways that influenced early Chinese culture, forming a broader network of
interdependence. In Central Asia during the Bronze Age—until the mid-second
millennium BC—the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) thrived, while
in neighboring India the Indus Valley Civilization developed. Since the
earliest external influences on emerging Chinese culture appear mainly after
the decline of these civilizations, any such influence may be linked to
population movements from BMAC and the Indian centers. At the same time,
indirect contact through trade networks and the movements of steppe pastoral
populations should not be overlooked.[11_9] Indeed, comparisons of textile impressions
on pottery—originating from Begash (Seven Rivers region, Semirechye, East
Kazakhstan, dated to 1600–1000 BC) and Gonur (dated to 2200–1800 BC)—have shown
that they were produced using similar types of fabrics.[11_10] This suggests
the existence of contacts and the diffusion of technologies originating in
BMAC, mediated by migrating pastoral populations temporarily settled in Begash,
near the borders of China.
The same
researchers, Doumani and Frachetti, also argue that the discovery of
cloth-impressed pottery in Ferghana, dating from the late second to the early
first millennium BC, supports the existence of a broader material basis for
commercial networks in the region.[11_11] Moreover, recent research has
revealed further evidence of contact between the Oxus culture and the Qijia and
Erlitou cultural spheres. Contacts between the Chinese region, the Indian
subcontinent, and Northeast Asia also appear to have played an important role
from the late pre-Christian centuries onward.
Fig. 11_2:
Alexander the Great in his legendary ‘meeting’ with the King of China (Nizami
Ganjavi – Walters W612307B)
More distant were
the civilizations of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Greece, although nomadic
populations of the wider region were also present and likely contributed to
cultural transmission. While the precise mechanisms of influence and their
historical details remain unclear, the cumulative evidence—alongside findings
from genetic research—suggests that the strongest influences may have come from
populations of European-related descent associated with these Central Asian
cultures, as well as from other groups influenced by them. Direct Egyptian
influence can be considered negligible,[11_12] likely due to its relatively
inward-looking orientation, while Mesopotamian influence was probably indirect.
Nevertheless, it is important to note that as early as the third millennium BC,
trade routes extended at least as far as the regions later associated with
China—reaching areas such as Anau, Bactria, and the Indus River. These routes
facilitated communication, the exchange of cultural elements, and possibly the
formation of a vast commercial-cultural sphere stretching from the
Mediterranean to the Indus.[11_13] Given the well-documented maritime and
commercial capabilities of the Aegean peoples, their participation in such
networks is highly plausible and appears to be supported by archaeological
evidence. In this context, myths describing the distant campaigns of Dionysus
and Heracles may reflect echoes of real historical events. It has also been
noted that population movements toward China occurred around 2000 BC, while
earlier migrations may have originated from regions such as present-day
Kurdistan, Asia Minor, and the Aegean, moving through the area around Lake
Urmia and into Bactria–Margiana, associated with the Oxus (BMAC) cultural
complex.[11_14]
Indirect or direct trade contacts with India are
suggested by Sappho's reference to cassia (cinnamon, Cinnamomum iners), likely
of Indian origin (Sapph. Supp. 20c.2). Dried flowers of the same plant have
been found in the Heraion of Samos, along with parrots native to the Indian
subcontinent.[7_148] The Indian
grammarian Panini, who clearly lived before the Alexandrian era, refers to the
Ionians under the name Yavana (Panini’s Grammar),[7_148a1] some of whom he
apparently encountered during his time at the university.[7_148a2] The Buddhist
work Majjhima Nikaya also mentions the Greek state Yona (specifically Ionian),
located in northwestern India alongside neighboring Cambodia. According to
these scriptures, Yona had a distinct social organization compared to other
Indian states; its inhabitants had foreign customs and were known for their
horsemanship.
The presence of Greeks throughout the Persian Empire
is further noted due to the professional mobility of craftsmen, architects,
jewelers, and other specialists working within Persian palaces or more
broadly.[11_17] This is evidenced by numerous Greek inscriptions from that
period in the region (Iranica Online, EPIGRAPHY, ii. Greek inscriptions from
ancient Iran). A notable example is the inscription NN 2261, which suggests the
mission of Greek technicians to Arachosia as part of their work affiliated with
Persian palaces, followed by their return to the center.[11_18] From the sixth
to fifth century BCE, five engravings from limestone quarries at Kūh-e Raḥmat
near Persepolis bear Greek signatures, including one by a Pytharchos.[11_19] A
clay tablet from around 500 BCE from Persepolis references the Persian measure
of wine (marin). From Susa comes an early Milesian dedication to Apollo (sixth
century BCE) engraved on an ankle-shaped brass weight, believed to have been
transferred from the Didymian sanctuary of Miletus in 494 BCE; it is now housed
in the Louvre.[11_20] Of particular importance is a short Greek inscription
from the Archive of the Fortifications of Persepolis.[11_21] Greek indirect presence is further underlined
by the use of Greek coins for stamping clay tablets,[11_22] alongside other findings indicative of Greek
influence.[11_23]
Additionally, there is an inscription of Nichokles of
Sinope, dating to the fourth century BCE or earlier. According to Rougemont,
the total number of Greek inscriptions discovered to date, from regions west of
Iran to the Indus Valley, amounts to 157 texts.[11_24]
A silver statue of a naked young man (kouros) with a
conical head covering and characteristic short head suggests Greek expansion
and presence in Bactria centuries before the Alexandrian campaign. This statue,
along with cast heads believed to be parts of similar statuettes,[11_25] are
considered works of Greek craftsmanship—specifically sculpture.
These sculptures follow the Ionian canon but were
executed locally and incorporate additional regional influences. Researcher
Wiesehöfer emphasizes the coexistence of diverse ethnic and religious
communities such as Greeks, Parthians, and Iranians in various parts of the
Persian Empire. According to him, this coexistence long before Alexander’s
invasion and the arrival of Greek settlers set in motion various intercultural
processes, including art, ideas, and the comparative formation of religious
beliefs.[11_26] These processes undoubtedly intensified following the
Alexandrian conquest, colonization, and the formation of Greek or hybrid states
by his successors. In this context, works of art imbued with Greek spirit yet
combining local elements, such as the aforementioned kouroi, could be produced
even in this early period. The early dating of this Greek-inspired kouros is
supported by the discovery of treasure coins with strong Greek correlations
found throughout remote parts of the Empire.[11_27] Among these are coins from
Persepolis, Ecbatana (Malayer),[11_28] Kabul,[11_29] Mir Zakah,[11_30] Ai
Khanoum, and Balkh. The latter, discovered at the site of ancient Barca
(Βάρκη), is especially significant for our consideration.
Εικ. 11_6:
Gold coin (tetradrachm) with Alexander potrait, found in 1993 at the village of
Mir Zakah in Paktia province, eastern Afghanistan.
It is
noteworthy that the aforementioned treasure from the capital of Bactria
contained more than 170 coins, most of them Athenian, while the collection does
not include pieces from Aegina, Vergina, Lete (Λητή),[11_31] or other parts of
Thrace and Macedonia. The discovery of these Greek coins in such remote
regions—especially in Bactria during the Achaemenid period—reflects the
presence of Greek influence there even before the campaign of Alexander the
Great. According to Holt, the minting and circulation of Athenian tetradrachm
imitations (glaux) in Bactria from the early Hellenistic period should not be
attributed solely to Greek colonization. Rather, it resulted from the efforts
of the first Hellenistic satraps in the region (such as Stasanor and possibly
Sophytos) to introduce a currency already familiar and widely accepted by both
local populations and settlers.[11_32] However, the use of Greek coins as a
medium of exchange in various parts of the Empire is not universally attested.
In Persepolis, for example, their final use appears to have been ritual in
nature, as they were included in the foundation deposits of the palace.[11_33]
The kouros
and the busts are considered part of the treasure of the Sanctuary of Oxus, and
interesting hypotheses have been formulated by the eminent archaeologist
Kuzmina regarding their function and symbolism, with the most impressive
linking the artifacts to the worship of the related deities of Mithra and
Dionysus, which are said to have merged at this time![11_34] It is particularly
important in this regard to underline the spread and popularity of Dionysian
themes over a wide area from the Black Sea to the borders of China and within
it, without it being known to what extent this spread also included the
acceptance of the relevant symbolic content.
However, at
least in India, Dionysus was incorporated into the Buddhist pantheon, while
Heracles (identified with Vajrapani) was also accepted as a faithful companion
and protector of the Buddha, as well as a psychopomp.[11_35] Figures such as
Fortune (Hariti),[11_36] Zeus (Indra), Boreas, the Moon,[11_37] and Athena[11_38]
were similarly integrated. Special mention should be made of Vajradhāra, who
later became identified with the already mentioned Vajrapani. The name
Vajradhāra is conceptually equivalent to that of Indra. According to the Sakya,
Gelug, and Kagyu schools of Tibetan Buddhism, he is the primordial Buddha (Adi
Buddha), entitled to carry the ritual weapon vajra.[11_39] This weapon
symbolizes adamantine indestructibility and irresistible power, and corresponds
to the thunderbolt of Zeus, as depicted in both classical and Hellenistic
art.[11_40] Notably, Vajradhāra is often portrayed wearing a Heraclean lion
skin.
Fig. 11_7: Head of
Vajrapani (painted mortar, Gandhara)
Like the
Scythians of Pontus, the Kushans also adopted a number of Greek deities,
depicting them on their coins (Heracles, Zeus, Nike, the Sun, the Moon,
Hephaestus, the Dioscuri, etc.), while assigning others local equivalents with
similar characteristics (e.g., Oado/Vata corresponding to Wind or Boreas).[11_41]
The image of Boreas abducting Oreithyia (Plat. Phaedrus 229b—230a) appears to
have been echoed in Buddhist reliefs from Gandharan art and later influenced
representations of the Japanese wind god at the Myōhō-in Temple in
Kyoto.[11_42]
Fig. 11_8:
Vajra
Fig. 11_8a:
Fragment of the architectural decoration of aivan from the palace in Varakhsha,
VI-VII centuries[11_42a]
The
inclusion of a distinct Greek component in the religious consciousness of Asian
peoples also extended to groups such as the Isedones (possibly the Wusun) and
the Saka. This development resulted from strong Hellenistic influence and the
continued presence of Greek communities or influential individuals. During the
Kushan period, Gandharan art often depicted the war god Skanda (associated with
Mars) using Greek military iconography, suggesting a cultural correlation and
possibly reflecting the presence of Greek populations.[11_43] In his article Skupniewicz examines
infantry warriors appearing in the art of Gandhara during the Kushan period.
The warriors are depicted as a local mutation of the supporters of the
Hellenistic period (shield-bearers with spears), having wings and armor of the
trunk covered with rhombuses or with staggered decoration. This may mean that
Skanda (son of Shiva and god of war), often depicted with the above war
addiction, was associated with the Greek population outside the caste system
(Varna). Skanda-Kartikeya is sometimes portrayed as a hoplite, indicating both
the influence of Greek warfare and the social position of Greeks (Yavanas),
who, though outside the caste system, were valued as warriors.
Fig. 11_9: Protome of
Vajradhara (Hirayama Ikuo Silk Road Art Museum)
The
shamanistic traditions of many Asian peoples, particularly the use of
psychoactive substances to induce ecstatic states, facilitated the spread of
Dionysian worship across a vast geographical area. Elements of Dionysian
ritual—especially themes of death and rebirth—allowed for syncretism with local
religious practices. Fundamental human concerns, such as the desire for reunion
with lost loved ones,[11_44] contributed to the formation of a flexible and
shared religious framework. Within this context, Dionysus could be identified
with Mithras or Apollo, while figures such as Virgo could correspond to Athena
or Anahita. Wine could substitute for psychotropic substances in rituals aimed
at transcendence. This supports Kuzmina’s and Carey’s views regarding the wide
diffusion of Dionysian cult practices. At this point we consider it appropriate
to reiterate Kuzmina's view on the spread and prevalence over a wide
geographical area through the comparison of the Dionysian cult, a position that
is not abandoned and the views of Carey.[11_45]
Fig. 11_10: The god of
the wind: Boreas (art of Gandhara, Hadda, left), God of the wind from the Kizil
of the Tarim basin (7th century, middle). God of the wind Fujin (Japan,17th
century, right)
Across
Eurasia, Dionysian imagery—including Maenads, Medusa, apotropaic heads, Erotes
(putti), Silenus, satyrs, panthers, and dragons—was widely adopted in religious
and funerary contexts, from the Greek cities of the Black Sea to Scythian and
Saka tombs, and even into China. Scholars such as Francfort have identified a
shared artistic koine tradition in Central Asia,[11_46] while Trousdale has
argued that Alexander’s conquests helped restore a degree of cultural
homogeneity among diverse populations.[11_47]
Hellenistic
religious syncretism functioned as a practical means of fostering mutual
recognition among the gods of different ethnic groups. It did not necessarily
alter fundamental beliefs but facilitated assimilation and integration.[11_48]
In the Hellenistic and later Greco-Roman world, deities were characterized by a
multiplicity of attributes that could be freely exchanged and incorporated into
new cultural frameworks.[11_49]
Fig. 11_11: Athena of Lachore
Based on
Greek literary sources and archaeological evidence, it is reasonable to assume
early contacts between the Aegean and the Indus regions even before Alexander
the Great. However, the Macedonian expansion marked the most significant period
of interaction, leading to the spread of Hellenistic culture across Asia and
North Africa. This resulted in the creation of hybrid cultural forms combining
Greek and local elements.[11_50] In China, contact with Greek culture during
this period coincided with political unification and the formation of a shared
national identity.
Greeks and Scythians came into close contact mainly in
the Black Sea region, where they coexisted in Greek colonies, maintaining
relations that fluctuated from friendly to hostile and even warlike. The case
of the Scythian Anacharsis is typical: Greek on his mother’s side, he is said
to have received Athenian citizenship in the sixth century BC and to have been
counted among the Seven Sages. Later, however, relations varied. In one
instance, the Scythian king Ateas requested and received military assistance
from Philip II of Macedon,[11_54] while in another, relations broke down,
resulting in conflict and Ateas’s death.[11_55] At a later stage, Alexander the
Great also encountered the allies of Darius, including the Sakae, Arr. An.
3.11.4, while subsequently after their defeat the Scythians (Άβιοι, Il.
13.6) treated him in a friendly manner, Arr. An. 4.1.1. Finally, the Macedonians came into conflict
with the Sakae in the region of present-day Afghanistan, competing for control
of Jibin.[11_56]
Fig. 11_13: Wood-carved beam from Loulan (Tarim basin,
3-4th c.) with Hellenistic decoration
Tsetskhladze’s view is particularly significant in
this context: he argues that the royal tombs of the Scythians were the work of
Greek craftsmen, a position based on their close resemblance to the tombs of
rulers and aristocrats in the Bosporan Kingdom.[11_57] From this perspective,
the expression “Nomadic Culture – Greek Style,” adopted by Feltham in a
relevant article, is indicative.[11_58]
The
Parthians, for their part, established their power in the eastern regions of
the former Seleucid Empire as early as 246 BC. They adopted the prevailing
Hellenistic cultural heritage, partly due to their own relative cultural
underdevelopment and partly for political reasons—namely, to persuade and win
the favor of Greek populations both locally and abroad.[11_59] Thus, the
presence of Greek settlements under Arsacid rule does not resemble isolated,
ethnically homogeneous enclaves in a hostile environment; rather, it reflects a
complex reality characterized by both cooperation and conflict.[11_60] Greek-language
inscriptions of Parthian origin have been discovered in various locations
(Bīsotūn, Susa, Nisa, Awraman, etc.).[11_61]
Fig. 11_15: Gold votive plaque
depicting a sacred or fortified building (Bactria, 3rd/2nd century BC)[ 11_62]
It is also worth mentioning the unconventional view
that Greek contact with China may have occurred as early as the seventh century
BC, based on a controversial interpretation of a passage in Herodotus (Hdt.
4.13.1).[11_63] The expansion of the Macedonians into Bactria and Central Asia
was generally accompanied by the establishment of numerous Greek-style cities,
which served military, administrative, commercial, and communicative functions.
Strabo’s reference to the “land of a thousand cities” (Strab.15.1.3) highlights
the unprecedented urbanization associated with Greek colonization, whereby
these newly founded cities became important cultural centers for the
dissemination of Greek traditions and the acceleration of historical
developments.[11_64] It is worth
noting that the Hellenistic cities had walls, gyms, theaters, statues,
inscriptions, while in them survived myths such as the Trojan cycle and
flourished Greek ideas about philosophy and religion.[11_65]
Fig. 11_16: Hercules -
Vajrapani from a mural in the Buddhist caves of Kizil
According to the Shiji, dozens of Hellenistic cities
existed in Dayuan (Ferghana), inhabited by several hundred thousand people, a
situation not paralleled in Parthia.[11_66] The Hellenistic Koine, used in
administration among Greeks and Hellenized populations, served as a vehicle for
the transmission of ideas and influence. However, its use does not appear to
have spread widely in either geographical or chronological terms. Half a
millennium later, the envoy Zhang Qian traveled to Bactria, where he observed
that the Greek alphabet was still in use, written horizontally from left to
right;[11_67] he made similar observations regarding Anxi (Parthia). It is even
suggested that Parthia may have imported high-quality parchment from Pergamon,
Plin. Nat. 13.21, and that Zhang Qian may have encountered Greek writing
on such material.[11_68]
Fig. 11_17a: Hariti as Mother Goddess, Isis, Demeter, Matrika
Greek was also used in the Mauryan Empire, as
evidenced by inscriptions of Ashoka (c. 250 BC).[11_69] Particularly noteworthy
are two Greek inscriptions (edicts) from Kandahar (Alexandria in Arachosia?: Kandahar: Alexandria >> Iskanderiya
>>Kandahar), in which Ashoka addresses the Greek populations within his
realm.[11_70] In his thirteenth edict,
Ashoka refers to four Hellenistic rulers—Antiochus II Theos of Syria, Ptolemy
II Philadelphus of Egypt, Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia, and Magas of
Cyrene—as diplomatic equals, associating them with the concept of dharma
(justice, piety, natural law).[11_71]
Without delving further into this complex subject, it
is worth noting the contribution of Greek thought to the development of
Buddhism and to the crystallization of the concept of Maitreya, a topic already
supported by extensive bibliography.[11_72] From Alexandria in Arachosia
(modern Kandahar) also derives a fragment of a votive inscription by the son of
Aristonax, dating to the period of Greek rule, prior to Ashoka.[11_73] This inscription has been tentatively
associated with a mosque dedicated to Alexander the Great,[11_74] although this interpretation has been
contested.[11_75]
In any case, the influence of Greek culture becomes
particularly significant from the Alexandrian period onward, both through
direct contacts via regions such as Ferghana and Khotan and indirectly through
Indian intermediaries. The transmission of Buddhism from India to China created
an additional channel for Greek influence,[11_76] given the Greco-Buddhist
character of certain traditions. Subsequently, the (Greek-speaking) Roman and
Byzantine Empires[11_77] maintained contact with the West, ensuring continued
interaction to the benefit of both sides.
Western
influences in China are numerous and significant; however, distinguishing
specifically Aegean or Greek elements among them is often difficult and, in
many cases, controversial. Nevertheless, fields such as architecture
(particularly funerary and monumental), the use of gold and silver as luxury
materials, advanced jewelry techniques (granulation, forging, repoussé,
sculpting, polishing, filigree),[11_78] developments in landscape painting, the
emergence of realistic life-sized nude sculpture, glass and bead craftsmanship,
innovations in military technology,[11_79] wrestling,[11_80] and athletic
practices all display, to varying degrees, a Greek dimension. These influences
sometimes resulted from direct contact, but more often from transmission
through nomadic intermediaries. Finally, Arnold Toynbee famously likened the
steppe to the sea,[11_81] suggesting that the horse and the camel functioned as
equivalents of naval vessels in facilitating movement and cultural exchange.
Notes
11_1. Tan et al. 2013; Cui et al.
2009; Shuicheng 1999, pp. ii, iv. The latter argues for an influx of people
from the Mediterranean initially around 2000 BC and then during the transition
from the Western Zhou period (1046-771 BC) to the so-called Spring and Autumn
period (771-476 BC).
11_2. Shuicheng 1999, p. 15.
11_3. Bouillane de Lacoste 1909, pp. 116-117; Coloru
2013, p. 399; Rafiullah Khan 2016, pp. 26-27. For a refutation of Kipling's
view, see: Neils 1985.
11_4. Christopoulos 2012, pp.
38-39; Tao 2019, pp. 9-10. The Hellenic character of Dayuan at this time is not
certain, but it is possible that a Greek ruler, a vassal of the nomads, was
established in Alexandria Eschate - Εσχάτη (Galiana 2019, p. 173). For the circulation of
elaborate horseshoe-shaped blocks, see: McLaughlin 2016, p. 49; Yan 2020, pp.
176, 178. Such blocks are held at the Metropolitan Museum of Art
(SL.1.2017.14.1a–c, https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/729901).
11_5. Vasil’evich P’iankov 2015, p. 61.
11_6. Cary wants Maes Titianos to
be a Syrian, if not Semitic (Cary 1956), and an association with (Hellenized)
Pontus has also been suggested (Vilamajó 2002, p. 108, n. 21).
11_7. Tupikova, Schemmel and Geus
2014, pp. 19, 21. The Stone Tower has been identified with the site of
Daroot-Korgon or Tashkurgan.
11_8. McLaughlin 2016, pp. 189-190.
11_9. Tosi and Lamberg-Karlovsky
2003, p. 350. The nomads of the Andronovo cultural horizon on the western
borders of China functioned as carriers of influences from the Bactrian-Margian
civilization (BMAC). Moreover, Sarianidis has identified similarities between
the Gonur necropolis and cemeteries of the Yanbulaq cultural cycle in the Tarim
Basin (Sarianidi 2007, p. 17).
11_10. Doumani and Frachetti 2012,
table 2, pp. 379; Hiebert 1994, pp. 62-63, fig. 4.34. The comparison concerns
the so-called sample 10 from Begash. A sample of diagonally woven fabric was
also found at Iron Age Begash, see Spengler (Spengler 2013, pp. 335, 343).
11_11. Doumani and Frachetti 2012, table 2, pp. 379.
11_12. However, there is also the
opposing minority view of Sun Weidong, which recognizes the influence of
Egyptian culture as particularly strong (Lewis 2016).
11_13. Aruz and Wallenfels 2003.
The subtitle of the relevant exhibition catalogue at the Metropolitan Museum of
New York is characteristic: The Third Millennium B.C. from the Mediterranean
to the Indus. Manning accordingly argues that already from 2000 BC there
were extensive trade relations between Central Asia and the
Mediterranean/Aegean world, and he cites the Kanesh archives as evidence
(Manning 2014, p. 7).
11_14. Sarianidi 2007, pp. 12–13.
Sarigiannidis attributes the migration to the dry-thermal crisis that affected
the wider Near East, including the Aegean. On the other hand, Neelis (Neelis
2011, p. 95, n. 88) supports the existence of indications for the movement of
populations from Western Central Asia to NW South Asia. He bases this view on
the commonality of burial customs between BMAC and the Gandhara tomb culture
(1700-1400 BC).
11_15. Henkelman 2018, p. 241, n.
74; Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, Walton and Maberly, s.v. Barca,
Barce; Hesychios, s.v. Βαρκαιοις οχοις; Συίδας, s.v. Βαρκαιοις Λιβύκοις;
Stefanos Byzantios s.v. Varkis. The presence of Greeks in the Indian Ocean
before Alexander the Great was also supported by Tran (Tran 1951; Tansen Sen
2016, p. 89, n. 5).
11_16. Panchenko 2002, p. 244.
7_148. Ancient History
Encyclopaedia, s.v. Cultural links between India & the Greco-Roman world (paper
of Sanujit at 2011, βλ.
<https://www.ancient.eu/article/208/cultural-links-between-india--the-greco-roman-worl/>).
Βλ. επίσης Shumaila et al. (Shumaila, Yu and Xu 2017, p. 196, n. 5).
7_148a1. Panini, 4.1.49. It is mentioned by Narain
(Narain 1957, p. 1). It is noted that Panini is recognized by the linguist De
Saussure as a source of inspiration for his important ideas.
7_148a2. Batchelor 2010, p. 125; Payer
2008. Taxila seems to have had a University as early as the sixth/fifth century
BC, and its professors included Panini (Indian grammarian), Charaka (father of
Indian medicine), Chandragupta (Sandrokottos) and Kautilya (or Chanakya) mentor
of Chandragupta, the first king of India and his advisor, author of the
political treatise Arthasastra. Students from far away flocked to the
university, and according to Philostratus, Apollo of Tyana (15-100 AD) also
visited it.
11_17. КУЗЬМИНА / Kuzmina 1976, p. 29, nn. 16-19;
Kawami 1991, p. 17, n. 20; Van der Waerden 1988, p. 85. For example, the
sculptor Telephanes of Phocaea worked for Darius and Xerxes, while the
physician Democides of Crotona and, later, Histiaeus, tyrant of Miletus, lived
in Darius' palace. One of the earliest surviving examples of Sassanid art is
the mosaics in the palace of Shapur I at Bishapur-Ctesiphon, which were created
by Greek artists based on Iranian sketches and depict a dancer, a harpist, and
various fruits (Sims, Marshak, and Grube 2002, p. 12; Jiemin Fang 2017, p. 146;
Litvinsky, Zhang Guang-da, Shabani Samghabadi 1996, pp. 64, 67).
11_18. Henkelman 2018, p. 244, n. 87; Henkelman 2008,
pp. 310-311, 313.
11_19. Carratelli 1966, pp. 31-34.
11_20. Zournatzi 2016a. Πρόκειται για το έκθεμα Louvre
SB 2719.
11_21. Henkelman 2018, p. 224; Stolper and Tavernier
2007, p. 3, figs. 2. 3, 11. This is the Fort 1771 sign. Greek letters are
included in the PFS 284 stamp from Persepolis (Giusto and Icardi 2021).
11_22. Persepolis Fortification Archive, βλ.
<https://oi.uchicago.edu/research/projects/persepolis-fortification-archive>.
11_23. Zournatzi 2016b; Kagan 2009, p. 233.
11_24. Μπουσδρούκης 2013, σελ. 120.
11_25. КУЗЬМИНА / Kuzmina 1976, pp. 27-30. The
statuette is kept in the British Museum (BM 123905), whose curator has
commented on its similarity to a much older (2000-1500 BC) ivory statuette from
tomb 12 of the A’ali necropolis (Bahrain – Τύλος), see < https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/W_1926-1008-11>.
The latter is also kept in the British Museum (BM 130595).
11_26. Wiesehöfer 2015, pp. 330-331.
11_27. Kagan 2009, p. 233.
11_28. This is a treasure trove of Greek coins with
number IGCH 1790, see <http://coinhoards.org/id/igch1790>.
11_29. Wikipedia, s.v.
Chaman-e-Hozori; E.M.R. 2002, p. 14. The
Kabul hoard, from the Chaman-i-Hazuri site, is said to have included about 1000
silver coins, of which 127 were kept in the capital's Museum, most of which are
Greek or have a Greek connection. These include 63 Greek coins circulating
before 550 BC (such as an Athenian didrachm with a triskelion), eight
Achaemenid coins from the period 521-486 BC, and others from Gandhara bearing
impressed designs. The existence of the hoard seems to indicate that Greek,
Persian, and Gandhari coins were circulating in the Kabul region at least from
the fourth century BC! See also <
https://www.cemml.colostate.edu/cultural/09476/afgh05-106.html>. The hoard
also includes an Achaemenid imitation of an Athenian tetradrachm (Bopearachchi
2000, p. 309, n. 35).
11_30. Bopearachchi 2002, p. 14;
Holt and Bopearachchi 2013. . The famous treasure of Mir Zakah II (near Gardez,
in the Hindu Kush highlands) included about 550,000 coins! Among them were
early Indian coins, Greek, Greco-Bactrian, Indo-Greek, Indo-Scythian,
Indo-Parthian and Kossani. The largest part consists of coins of the
Indo-Scythian Azes II, as well as posthumous imitations of coins of Hermaeus.
Coins of Menander I following the model of the Attic tetradrachm were also
found.
11_31. Psoma 2006; Troxell and Spengler 1969. Για
εικόνα βλ.
<https://www.vcoins.com/de/stores/sergey_nechayev_ancient_coins/200/product/thracomacedonian_siris_or_berge_rare_silver_stater__ithyphallic_satyr/1025630/Default.aspx>.
11_32. Holt 1989, p. 97, n. 42.
11_33. Zournatzi 2016.
11_34. КУЗЬМИНА / Kuzmina 1976, pp. 27-30.
11_35. Homrighausen 2015; Srinivasan
2007, p. 17; Flood 1989. A weight for the exercise of wrestlers in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (acc. nr. 1994.112) depicts Hercules
with the Nemean lion on one side, while the reverse shows the Dioscuri
wrestling (Ahuja 2019, fig. 9). Characteristic is the presence of Hercules –
Vajrapani in a relief representation within a recess at Tepe Shotor – Hadda
(Schwab 1996, figs. 1, 2) where the sculpture copies features of the Hercules
of Lysippus’s Table, while his head has been claimed to be that of Alexander
(Katsumi Tanabe 2005b, p. 379)! For Hercules as a companion of Buddha and as a
psychopomp, see Katsumi Tanabe 2005b. Similarly, Hermes as a psychopomp, either
with his iconographic paraphernalia, was adopted by Buddhist art (Pons 2014).
11_36. Stančo 2012, p. 227; van
Oppen 2018; Gnoli 1963. The divine couple of Hariti with Panchika is often
compared from a costume perspective but also based on its other accessories
(thyrsus, cornucopia) with that of Bacchus Dionysus with Good Fortune. An
interesting example of the adaptation of the iconography of Greco-Roman art to
that of Gandhara is depicted in a phyllite sculpture complex which depicts a
seated man and a woman, who at first glance could be identified with Dionysus
and Tyche. It is also noted that Hārītī-Ardwakhsh (ARDOXŠO / Ардохϸο of the
Kossani coins), has received from Tyche her cornucopia while on her head she
wore a pole and not a crown shaped like city walls, corona muralis (Betts et
al. 2012, p. 135; Minardi 2013; Di Castro 2017, p. 31). It is noted that (also)
Berenice II, a counterpart of Athena in terms of her military characteristics,
has also been compared to the patroness Agathis Tyche (Layman 2011, pp.
237-238). Besides, Hariti is a universal goddess, identified with Isis, Demeter,
Matika (Ahuja 2019). However, Hariti is also associated with Euthynia, the
Ptolemaic goddess of abundance, compared to Isis, Demeter and Tyche.
Characteristic is the fact that she is depicted with eight children or
children, just like Hariti! In the commentary on her article ‘Buddhist and
Gupta Imagery in Conjunction with Rituals and Linguistic Anthropology’,
Sengupta has added another parallel between Hariti and Demeter: ‘The horn of
plenty is characteristic of the goddess Demeter, while Tyche who protects and
nourishes the Greek cities also bears the same horn. In early historical
representations, the Greco-Roman Hariti who is depicted carrying the horn in
the stupa complexes of Gandhara, interprets the role of Demeter, who recovered
her daughter who had been abducted to the underworld. In this sense, Demeter,
by whatever name or form she might be worshipped, is a Mother Goddess whom the
faithful invoke to protect children’.
(<https://www.academia.edu/s/413b49c91d#comment_938117>). For the
presence of Fate (- Fate) in the relief of the Great Departure, on the one hand
as representing the city of Kapilavastu but - on the other - as underlining the
turning point of the event of the departure of the future Buddha from his
birthplace itself, see Mitsuru Haga (Mitsuru Haga 2013).
11_37. Mevissen 2013. A relief
scene of the Great Departure of Buddha from palace life (Gandarit 1/2 century),
kept in the Guimet Museum, bears a representation of the Moon to mark the time
of the event. The relief adopts the typical Greek (and the copied Roman)
representation of the Moon with a sleeveless tunic and a rich himation that
swells at the back forming a deep bosom. A typical example is on a silver
folding mirror with relief decoration and traces of gilding (National
Archaeological Museum, Collection of Metalwork Works, no. Χ 16111). A similar depiction exists on the front side
of a Roman sarcophagus, where the Moon is represented with the shepherd
Endymion on Mount Latmos (Sarcophagus Selene Endymion Glyptothek Munich
328.jpg). A wealth of other relevant illustrations are provided by Mevissen.
11_38. Chassanite 2015, n. 905; Sergent
2008, pp. 48-50. The associations and parallels between Athena and Dura are
described in detail by Sergent. Here it is briefly noted that the appearance of
the two goddesses is comparable in many respects. As for their war equipment,
the Greek goddess carries only a shield, sword and spear, while her Indian
counterpart is sometimes more equipped, to the point of exaggeration (trident,
lightning, arrow, sword, lance, staff, bell, bow, knot, discus, various other
weapons). For the introduction of the Olympian gods into Indian, see also
Gordon (Gordon 1841, pp. 10-21).
11_39. Besides, in Sanskrit the
word vajra can also be translated as club (Pons 2011, p. 165, n. 99), while
iconographically it is identified with the thunderbolt of Zeus (Zin 2009,
fig.9).
11_40. Compare a black-figure vase
depicting the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus in the presence of
Hephaestus (British Museum, r. nr, 1867,0508.962). The vase bears the signature
of Phrynos: XAIPEKAIΠIEIMENAIΧI / Χαίρε καί πίει με ναιχί και ΦPΥNOΣ ΕΠΟΙΕΣΕΝΧΑΙΡΕΜΕΝ / Φρύνος έποίησεν χαϊρε μέν).
560
π.Χ., Βρετανικό Μουσείο, Λονδίνο B24.
11_41. Ashwini Nawathe 2016; Cribb 1993, p. 21; Grenet
2016, pp. 212, 214, 216, 218); Kubica 2016; Bracey 2012.
11_42. Ishida 2003.
[11_42a].
https://uzbek-travel.com/about-uzbekistan/monuments/culture_museum/?fbclid=IwAR2UDUd2iGZasLO2d6ZAGRgsTMkT_DtbiYXytKjzkZV1WPjIHHFnkbRh1Rs
11_43. Skupniewicz 2016.
11_44. Carey 2000, p. 53.
11_45. Carey 2000, p. 53.
11_46. Francfort 1998, p. 45.
11_47.
Trousdale 1975, p. 85. Besides, Hemingway and Hemingway also talk about
the development of the Hellenistic koine (Hemingway and Hemingway 2007).
11_48. Pakkanen 2011, p. 129, n. 34; Parker 2001, p.
257.
11_49. Pakkanen 2011, p. 130.
11_50. The phenomenon was called
Hellenismus by Droysen, see his work Geschichte des Hellenismus (1836-1843).
The art of Gandhara came from the combination of Hellenistic and Buddhist
elements, <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gandhara>, and the same applies
to Greek-Scythian art. Indicative of the Alexandrian influence, this time on
the Persians, is the romantic epic Iskandaranama (Book of Alexander), which, a
millennium after the death of the general, describes his imaginary journey to
China (Venetis 2008).
11_51. Claudius Ptolemy reports that caravans from the
West met those from China and exchanged goods at the well-known Stone Tower,
Ptol. 6.13.2, probably west of present-day Kashgar in the Alai Valley.
11_52. The well-known historical researcher Iroslav
Lebedynsky notes “Ces implantations étaient en contact très étroit avec les habitants
Scythes de la steppe”, that is, the Greek settlements of the Black Sea had very
close contact with the Scythian inhabitants of the steppe, see Arnaud (Arnaud
2018).
11_53. Knauer 2009, pp. 221-240. The
Scythians, having been in contact with Greek customs since the sixth century
BC, were also influenced by issues related to military equipment. Moreover, as
Zilioli states (Zilioli 2024, p. 153, n. 1): Beckwith (2023) focuses on the
Scythians as an important trait of association (trait d’union) between Greece,
India and China during the pre-Hellenistic and Hellenistic eras. Besides, as Zilioli states (Zilioli 2024, p. 153, n.
1): Beckwith (2023) focuses on the Scythians as an important trait of
association (trait d’union) between Greece, India and China during the
pre-Hellenistic and Hellenistic eras.
11_54. Alexeev 2010, p. 41. While Philip II was
besieging Byzantium, the Scythian ruler Ateas was facing difficulties in his
dispute with the Istrians, so he asked for and received help from the
Macedonian king (340 BC).
11_55. Alexeev 2010, p. 43. Ateas was killed at an old
age fighting against the Macedonians (339 BC). The information comes from the Historiae
Philippicae of Pompeius Trogus, who had among his sources an unknown Greek
historian (Roy 1939, Binder and Bar-Kochva 2016).
11_56. Tansen Sen 2016, p. 3; Yu 1998. Indeed, it is
reported that Hermaeus defeated Azes II and assumed power in Jibin, following
conflicts in which he had allied himself with the Han Chinese.
11_57. Tsetskhladze 2002.
11_58. This is the title of Feltham’s article (Feltham
2010). In this regard, the study of the exhibits of Scythian art at the
Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (From the Lands of the Scythians,
1973/1974) is useful. Accordingly, Wieland names her doctoral thesis ‘Scythian
Gold in the Greek Style’ (Wieland 2013).
11_59. Yang 2013.
11_60. Wiesehöfer 2015.
11_61. von Reden 2019, pp. 484-485, fig. 2; Iranica
online sv EPIGRAPHY, ii. Greek inscriptions from ancient Iran,Iranica online
s.v. AVROMAN DOCUMENTS.
11_62. Images of a building and
women have been engraved and pressed into a sheet of gold. The base of the
structure is a layer of three rows of bricks, followed by two levels (floors)
of the building, which could be a temple or a citadel / fortress. There is a
door located in the middle of the lower structure which is divided into five
vertical sections. Each of these wall sections has observation holes
(peepholes) and a simplified image resembling a bird of prey spreading its
wings is engraved on each wall section. This decorative theme (motif) may
indicate that the design of the building is related to Ahura Mazda (ΟΡΟΜΑΣΔΗΣ /
OROMASDIS: creative deity of Zoroastrianism). At the two ends of the roof of
the first structure are the upper parts of the bodies of two women, both facing
outwards. Another structure is depicted on top of the lower building, which is
also divided into five vertical sections. As with the lower structure, each of
the upper areas of the five sections of this upper building is decorated with a
simplified design resembling a bird of prey. Five women stand at the top of the
upper structure. Only the upper part of their bodies is visible, with three of
the women facing to the right and two of the women to the left. The woman on
the left has her hand outstretched and a bird flies overhead as if landing on
her hand. These women have straight noses and this represents a female form in
the Hellenistic style. The image depicted on the annotated dedicatory gold leaf
(with the women watching from a high-rise building ..) can be considered to
refer to (a) an urban setting of Bactria 'of the 1000 cities', (b) to a similar
image in a Buddhist frame from a Butkara relief ..
11_63. Hudson 1931, pp. 17-30; Li
2008, p. 104; Treadgold 1973, p. 1. In the relevant passage, Herodotus refers
to Aristaeus from Proiconisus in Asia Minor, a semi-mythical poet who had
visited distant lands. Hudson estimates that he crossed the Tienshan Mountains
on the border of Xinjiang.
11_64. Bernard 1994, pp. 105-106; Williams 2018, pp.
159-160.
11_65. Yang 2014. Compare also the
relief of Gandharite art with a representation of the Trojan Horse (British
Museum 1990,1013.1), also depicting Cassandra, Laocoön, Priam and Sinon
(Stewart 2016, p. 4). Sengupta considers Alexandria or Pergamum as a possible
place of construction of the relief, and interprets it in the context of
Greco-Buddhist art (Sengupta 2020b, pp. 1, 3). It has also been suggested that
in a Buddhist context Laocoön appears as a Buddha – in – potential or Buddha in
the making, (Foucher 1950; Stewart 2017b)! Another relevant evidence comes from
Pithao, near Peshawar (Khan 1990).
11_66. Yang 2014, n. 6. Fergana had seventy cities!
11_67. Encyclopædia Britannica, s.v. Xuanzang.
11_68. Yang 2009, p. 19; Yang 2014, nn. 67, 68, 69;
Galiana 2019, p. 169, n. 92. It seems that parchment was in use in Dayuan
during Zhang Qian's visit there, in contrast to China where they wrote
vertically on strips of reed.
11_69. Neelis 2011, p. 83, n. 55; Bernard 1994, p.
104.
11_70. Jassar 1997, pp. 94-97, n.
24. An image of a bilingual inscription – edict of Ashoka can be found at:
<https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:AsokaKandahar.jpg>. However,
Beckwith’s objection to the attribution of the edicts to Ashoka is noted
(Beckwith 2015, pp. 226-227). However, Maniscalco has questioned the inclusion
of Kandahar in the Mauryan Empire (Maniscalco 2018).
11_71. Douglas 2017; Cribb 2017, p. 8. Beckwith
renders dharma as piety (Beckwith 2015, p. 64).
11_72. Douglas 2017; Halkias 2014; Χαλκιάς 2013, σελ.
218; Tansen Sen 2016, p. 89.
11_73. Fraser 1979; Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v.
KANDAHAR ii. Pre-Islamic Monuments and Remains.
11_74. Oikonomides 1984.
11_75. Karttunen 1997, pp. 287-289, n. 200.
11_76. According to Yang Juping,
all foreign elements of Indian culture, including those derived from Greek
heritage, were transferred/diffused to China (Yang 2013, p. 89).
11_77. Von Le Coq 1928, p. 78, pl.
9. Near Turfan in Chinese Turkestan, a mural has been found by Von Le Coq which
is estimated to be associated with the feast of Palm Sunday, and is in the
Byzantine style, see also <http://www.shlama.be/shlama/content/view/148/134/>.
11_78. Yan 2020; Yong Shi et al. 2022.
11_79. Jäger 2017a. Helmets similar
to the Spanish ones of the so-called morion type of the 16th century have been
observed quite a lot in sculptural representations made of slate, in Buddhist
complexes as well as on Kossani coins. These helmets, quite common in the art
of Gandaritida, seem to have their origin from Macedonian helmets, such as
those of Amyntas, Eucratides etc., and the Greek association seems to be
strengthened by the fact that such a helmet is an element of the military
equipment of the so-called Athena of Lahore.
11_80. Κονιδάρης 2024b.
11_81. Di Cosmo 2013, p. 177, n. 9.
Bibliography
See book
