Extensive Summary in English
The Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) and Its Aegean Influences
Author: Dimitrios N. Konidaris | Athens, 2026
Extensive Summary in English
The Bactria–Margiana Civilisation (BMAC) and Its Greek Influences
Author: Dimitrios N. Konidaris | Athens, 2026
Introduction: The Discovery of an Unknown Bronze Age Civilisation
The study examines the civilisation of Bactria–Margiana, also known as the Oxus Civilisation or the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), and investigates its cultural, artistic, architectural and religious connections with the Aegean.
The discovery of this civilisation represents one of the most important developments in the archaeology of Central Asia. During the 1970s, the archaeologist Viktor Sarianidi, a Pontic Greek of the diaspora, brought to light an advanced Bronze Age civilisation that had previously remained largely unknown to the international archaeological community. Its existence demonstrated that the ancient civilisations of the third and second millennia BC were not confined to the familiar centres of Mesopotamia, Egypt, Crete, China and the Indus Valley.
The BMAC developed across territories corresponding approximately to present-day Turkmenistan, northern Afghanistan, eastern Uzbekistan and western Tajikistan. Its geographical and economic centre was the upper basin of the Amu Darya, known to ancient Greek geographers as the Oxus River.
The civilisation appeared during the middle of the third millennium BC and is conventionally divided into two principal phases:
First phase (approximately 2200–1800 BC): associated particularly with Gonur.
Second phase (approximately 1800–1500 BC): associated with Togolok and the subsequent development of the complex.
The author approaches the BMAC not as an isolated cultural phenomenon but as part of a broad network of interactions extending from the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean to Mesopotamia, Iran and the Indus Valley. Particular attention is devoted to archaeological parallels that may indicate Aegean influences, migrations, commercial contacts or the presence of populations originating in the Aegean world.
An important qualification concerns the nature of the evidence: similarities between archaeological objects and architectural structures do not automatically establish direct migration or cultural dependence. The study therefore examines proposed relationships through comparisons of chronology, archaeological contexts, artistic motifs and geographical distribution.
1. The Identity and Organisation of the BMAC Civilisation
One of the defining characteristics of the BMAC was its monumental architecture. Its settlements consisted of extensive, fortified complexes constructed according to organised architectural plans. Their defensive walls indicate the importance of protecting settlements and the resources upon which their inhabitants depended.
The establishment of a sophisticated civilisation in an environment with limited natural resources required considerable organisational capacity. The region's inhabitants had to undertake extensive hydraulic works, including reservoirs, irrigation canals and dams, in order to make agricultural production possible.
Water and cultivable land were particularly valuable resources. Their scarcity would have encouraged competition between communities and necessitated organised systems for their allocation and management.
The author considers that such conditions presupposed the existence of centralised political authority, probably operating at least at the level of individual urban settlements. The possibility of a strongly authoritarian or despotic form of government is also discussed.
Drawing on the interpretation of Lamberg-Karlovsky, the study associates competition for resources with the emergence of pronounced social inequalities and a highly stratified society.
Sarianidi's interpretation of the funerary evidence suggests the following approximate social distribution:
Dominant or ruling class: 4%.
Middle social class: 85%.
Lower social class: approximately 10%, possibly including enslaved individuals.
The distribution of grave types, the richness of funerary offerings and the monumental character of certain tombs provide important indications of differences in wealth, status and political authority.
2. The Origins of the BMAC Civilisation
The origins of the BMAC remain a subject of scholarly disagreement. The study presents two principal interpretations.
2.1. Sarianidi's migration hypothesis
According to Sarianidi, the emergence of the BMAC was connected with population movements caused by a major arid climatic crisis affecting the broader region between the Aegean and the Indus Valley.
The deterioration of agricultural conditions encouraged migrating populations to seek more favourable environments, particularly the well-watered territories around the Margos River, identified with the modern Murghab.
Possible areas of origin include present-day Kurdistan, Asia Minor, the Aegean region and the territories surrounding Lake Urmia.
This hypothesis therefore attributes considerable importance to population movements from western regions towards Central Asia and allows for the possibility that people originating in the Aegean and neighbouring territories contributed to the formation of the new civilisation.
2.2. Parpola's interpretation
Parpola, in contrast, regards the BMAC as fundamentally indigenous.
He interprets its linguistic relationship with the Aryans as the result of the arrival of relatively small groups from the north who spoke an Aryan language and subsequently assumed political control over the local population.
These newcomers retained their language but became integrated into the existing cultural environment.
Parpola identifies them with the Dasa or Dahae, a nomadic population associated with ancient historical and geographical sources. The study refers to Herodotus and to Arrian's accounts of the Dahae, including their participation in military events involving Alexander the Great.
The appearance of the domesticated horse and chariot in the Oxus region is also discussed in connection with the proposed northern, Indo-European element.
Parpola further associates the transition from the first to the second phase of the BMAC with another migration from the northern steppes, involving Aryan groups connected with the ritual tradition of Soma.
These contrasting interpretations establish an important question running throughout the study: to what extent did the BMAC develop through indigenous evolution, and to what extent was its formation influenced by successive movements of populations from neighbouring regions?
3. Funerary Customs and Religious Beliefs
The chapter on funerary practices constitutes one of the most substantial parts of the study. The author regards burial customs as particularly valuable evidence for understanding the ideological, religious and social organisation of ancient societies. Because funerary traditions tend to preserve older beliefs over long periods, comparisons between different regions may reveal cultural relationships that are not immediately apparent from other archaeological material.
The principal evidence comes from the extensive necropolis of Gonur, where five main categories of graves have been identified.
3.1. The five principal types of tombs
A. Dakhma tombs and the exposure of the dead
The dakhma burial practice was associated particularly with members of the royal family. It involved the removal of the flesh from the deceased before the cleaned bones were deposited in a chamber tomb.
The author connects this practice with the later Zoroastrian tradition of the Towers of Silence, where corpses were exposed to birds of prey so that the bones could be separated from the flesh without contaminating the sacred elements of earth and fire.
Drawing on Abdullaev, the study traces the practice of exposing the dead to animals and birds back to Neolithic Anatolia and Central Asia. Archaeological representations from Göbekli Tepe and Çatal Hüyük are discussed as evidence of this ancient funerary tradition.
Particular attention is given to two Bactrian seals depicting the consumption of human bodies by animals or birds.
The author also identifies comparable secondary burial practices in Minoan Crete. In certain Minoan contexts, bones were buried only after the decomposition or deliberate removal of the flesh. Cremation is also discussed as an alternative means of purification.
The comparison suggests that the treatment of the deceased in Bactria, Anatolia and Crete may have belonged to a much older complex of religious practices concerned with purification and the avoidance of contamination.
B. Chamber tombs
Chamber tombs constituted approximately 1.9% of the excavated graves at Gonur. They were particularly elaborate constructions, representing the highest social categories.
Their architectural design reproduced domestic interiors, especially bedrooms. Some contained:
Staircase entrances sealed with bricks.
Hearths and double hearth installations.
Brick constructions resembling beds.
Shelves or cupboards for food vessels.
Structures resembling tables.
Arched superstructures, often partially visible above ground.
The author interprets these tombs as symbolic reproductions of domestic environments intended to provide the deceased with the familiar conditions of life after death.
Their architectural parallels are investigated in several geographical areas.
Sarianidi associated them particularly with chamber tombs from the Middle Euphrates region, including Mari and other Syrian sites. Similar constructions have also been identified at Tell Tuttul and in the wider Syrian-Palestinian region.
However, the author challenges the exclusive attribution of their origins to Syria. He points out that house-shaped tombs had existed in Crete from the Early Minoan period, including the cemetery of Mochlos, and that comparable chamber tombs were known in Cyprus and other Aegean locations.
The discussion also includes the tombs of Avaris (Tell el-Dab'a) and Ugarit. Their architectural characteristics and their connections with Minoan culture are presented as evidence that the Aegean may have played a role in the transmission of these funerary traditions.
Consequently, the author considers the Aegean world an equally plausible source of some of the architectural traditions found at Gonur.
C. Cist graves
Cist graves represented approximately 2.1% of the excavated burials. They were generally rectangular structures constructed from bricks, frequently above ground, and normally accommodated a single deceased individual.
Their occupants appear to have belonged to relatively prosperous social groups, although not necessarily to the highest aristocratic class.
The study compares these graves with examples from the Middle Euphrates, where similar constructions are found, but also stresses the widespread presence of cist graves in the Aegean.
Examples include:
Northeastern Crete during the Early Minoan period.
Mitrou in Lokris during the Middle Helladic period.
Soufli Magoula in Thessaly.
The Cyclades during the Early Cycladic period.
Sesklo during the Chalcolithic period.
These comparisons weaken the argument that the Bactrian examples must have originated exclusively in the Syrian region.
D. Shaft graves with vertical access
The most numerous category consisted of shaft graves with vertical access, representing approximately 85.4% of the Gonur necropolis.
These graves generally had a vertical shaft approximately one to one and a half metres deep. At the bottom, a lateral chamber was constructed, usually on the western side, where the deceased was placed.
The body was generally deposited in a contracted position, while personal possessions and funerary offerings were placed near the head.
The lateral chamber was subsequently sealed with bricks and the vertical shaft filled with earth.
Some particularly elaborate examples incorporated features normally associated with chamber tombs, including hearths and stepped entrances.
Sarianidi identified parallels in the Shahdad cemetery of eastern Iran and in the Middle Euphrates region. The author nevertheless emphasises that shaft graves were widespread throughout Eurasia and that similar practices were already known in prehistoric Greece.
Examples from Franchthi, Mochlos and Aegina demonstrate that the practice cannot be attributed exclusively to Palestine or Anatolia.
E. Simple pit graves and cremation burials
Simple pit graves represented approximately 10.5% of the necropolis. They were comparatively modest constructions and appear to have been associated with poorer members of society.
The deceased were generally placed in the traditional contracted position, although their orientation was not consistent.
Another category, representing approximately 7.4% of the graves, consisted of pit burials incorporating evidence of burning. These graves were usually rectangular or circular and relatively shallow.
The presence of fire marks on the walls and ash on the floors suggests that burning took place inside the burial structure.
The author proposes that these graves may have been reserved for individuals with anatomical or other physical abnormalities, although this interpretation remains a hypothesis.
He also challenges Sarianidi's suggestion that such cremation practices were unprecedented, citing evidence of cremation in Neolithic Greece and Early Minoan Crete.
3.2. The religious meaning of funerary practices
The author interprets the funerary evidence as reflecting an ideological system concerned with the distinction between purity and impurity, the protection of nature and the avoidance of contamination.
The separation of flesh from bones, the exposure of corpses and the use of fire are examined as different expressions of a common concern with purification.
The study connects these practices with the religious traditions that subsequently developed into Iranian religious thought and Zoroastrianism.
The opposition between good and evil, represented symbolically through the struggle between protective and destructive creatures, is also considered a fundamental component of BMAC religious ideology.
3.3. Ritual footwear and representations of human feet
An especially interesting category of funerary offerings consists of miniature clay shoes and representations of human feet.
Examples were discovered in chamber tombs at Gonur and at Dashli-3. Similar objects were also recovered from the sanctuary of Togolok-21.
The author compares these finds with miniature footwear from Mycenaean tombs, particularly the example from Alyki Voula, as well as with objects from the Mycenaean settlement at Mycenae.
He also discusses miniature representations of human feet from Crete, Kythira, Zygouries, Agios Kosmas and Corinth.
These objects are interpreted as ritual offerings associated with the deceased's journey into the afterlife. Their occurrence in both Central Asia and the Aegean suggests the possible existence of shared symbolic traditions.
3.4. The ring-shaped vessel or kernos
Another important discovery from Gonur is a ring-shaped ceramic object which Sarianidi described as a doughnut-shaped object.
The author identifies it more specifically as a probable ring-shaped kernos, comparable to examples from the Indus civilisation.
Kernoi have a long history in the Aegean and are particularly associated with ritual practices. The author therefore considers this discovery important evidence of possible Aegean cultural connections, or even the presence of an Aegean community within the BMAC.
3.5. Jewellery and luxury objects
The royal and aristocratic tombs of Gonur contained numerous objects made of gold, silver and copper.
Among the most important are:
Ceremonial diadems decorated with granulation.
Eight-pointed rosettes.
Gold and silver earrings.
Spiral ornaments and elaborate hair decorations.
Pins and rings decorated with double or quadruple spirals.
Ivory objects, combs and small luxury items.
The author compares the jewellery from Gonur with material from Mochlos, Poliochni, Troy, Aegina, Ur, Alaca Höyük and the Mycenaean royal graves.
Particular importance is attributed to the quadruple spiral motif. This decorative element appears on gold and silver jewellery from Gonur and has parallels in Crete, Troy, Poliochni, Mari and Ur. The study emphasises its early appearance in Minoan Crete.
Another category of funerary objects consists of curved, club-shaped implements. Sarianidi regarded these as insignia of prestige and authority.
The author identifies them as probable throwing sticks or throwing clubs, known in hunting and warfare in Egypt, Mesopotamia, Anatolia and the Aegean.
He compares these objects with representations of Minoan and Mycenaean warriors, hunting scenes and depictions in Egyptian tombs.
The presence of such objects in royal tombs at Gonur may indicate the participation of Asian or Aegean officials in the political and ceremonial life of the BMAC.
Finally, ivory combs and other decorated ivory objects are compared with examples from Mohenjo-daro, Tell Abraq, Troy and Rhodes.
These comparisons reinforce the importance of long-distance exchange networks linking Central Asia, the Indus Valley, the eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean.
4. Architecture: Connections with Crete, Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley
The architectural chapter investigates the monumental buildings of Bactria and Margiana, identifying structural parallels with the Aegean, Mesopotamia and the Indus civilisation.
The author emphasises that the architectural traditions of Gonur cannot be understood exclusively within a Central Asian context.
4.1. The palace entrances of Gonur and Knossos
One of the most striking comparisons concerns the ceremonial entrance of the palace at Gonur.
Its double passages and staircases are considered remarkably similar to the upper entrance arrangement of the Propylaea of the palace at Knossos.
Sarianidi himself acknowledged this similarity, interpreting it as evidence of the influence of the Greek islands upon the art and architecture of the Near East.
The palace at Gonur included an elaborate sequence of spaces:
Internal courtyards.
A double audience hall.
An interior reception hall.
A large throne room.
The ruler's residential quarters.
Auxiliary buildings and landscaped areas.
A complex devoted to funerary ceremonies.
The organisation of these spaces suggests a sophisticated architectural programme combining political, residential and religious functions.
4.2. Architectural corridors and central pillars
A second important feature is the use of passages with low thresholds and centrally positioned pillars supported by circular stone bases.
The author regards this construction as particularly characteristic of Aegean architecture, citing examples from Phaistos and Knossos.
Similar features are identified in the palaces of Mari, Alalakh and Ugarit, as well as at Avaris in Egypt.
The study discusses the Minoan character of the frescoes found at several of these eastern Mediterranean centres.
In particular, the chronology of the frescoes at Alalakh is used to challenge an earlier interpretation that Minoan architecture had borrowed from Syria. The author argues that the chronological evidence instead supports the possibility of influence travelling from Crete towards the eastern Mediterranean.
The architectural evidence is thus presented as part of a wider network of cultural transmission.
4.3. Comparisons with Harappa and Mohenjo-daro
The palace and religious architecture of Gonur also display features that Sarianidi considered comparable with buildings in the Indus civilisation.
The study examines similarities between the great hall of Gonur and a public religious building at Harappa.
Particular attention is given to the arrangement of passages, thresholds and centrally positioned pillars.
The royal sanctuary at northern Gonur is also compared with room XXIII at Mohenjo-daro, which has been interpreted by some researchers as a possible fire sanctuary.
Room 115 of the Gonur sanctuary is particularly significant. It contained:
Plastered walls.
Ten blind windows or recessed decorative openings.
Four corner platforms.
Raised connecting passages.
A central arrangement of pillars and thresholds.
The author notes that this distinctive pavilion-like construction has no direct equivalent in the Near East and considers the comparison with Mohenjo-daro particularly relevant.
4.4. Niches, altars and blind windows
Another architectural feature examined extensively is the use of niches and blind windows.
These elements appear in the palace and sanctuary complexes at Gonur, including rooms with specialised hearth installations.
Their origins are traced to much earlier traditions in northern Mesopotamia, particularly Tepe Gawra and the Uruk period.
The author also identifies related features in Minoan architecture, especially in tombs, sanctuaries and palace interiors.
The symbolic meaning of the niche is particularly important. It is interpreted as a kind of false doorway, potentially establishing a connection between the world of the living and the world of the dead or ancestors.
The comparison extends to the palace of Knossos, the palace of Phaistos and several Minoan religious buildings.
4.5. Water management and drainage systems
The chapter concludes with an examination of hydraulic engineering.
Several BMAC settlements possessed organised water-supply and drainage systems. Similar installations are known from Minoan Crete, particularly Knossos, Tylissos and Malia, and from settlements of the Indus civilisation.
The use of different types of conduits, including ceramic pipes, demonstrates advanced engineering knowledge.
These systems are considered particularly significant because they reveal a shared concern with urban planning, sanitation and the management of water resources.
The author's architectural conclusion is that the similarities between Bactrian-Margianian buildings and their Aegean and Near Eastern counterparts may reflect more than ordinary commercial exchange. Following Sarianidi, he considers the possibility that migrants from western regions brought with them an inherited architectural tradition or, in his terminology, an architectural memory.
The evidence is presented as potentially indicating population movements as well as cultural interaction.
5. Artistic Expression and Religion
This chapter is central to the author's argument because it examines the symbolic and religious vocabulary of the BMAC and its possible relationship with the Aegean world.
The artistic production of Bactria–Margiana included:
Small stone sculptures and figurines.
Ceramic reliefs and decorated vessels.
Compartmentalised seals.
Metal vessels and jewellery.
Mosaics and ivory objects.
Ritual objects and religious figurines.
Administrative and ceremonial artefacts.
The author argues that BMAC art possessed a distinctive identity but incorporated motifs and artistic conventions that were also familiar in the eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean.
5.1. The struggle between good and evil: Snakes and dragons
An important component of BMAC iconography is the representation of snakes fighting imaginary serpentine monsters or dragons.
Drawing on Amiet, the author interprets these compositions as expressions of a symbolic struggle between opposing forces.
The snakes represent the forces of good, while the fantastic serpentine creatures embody evil and destructive powers.
The struggle revolves around the concept of life-generating semen, associated with fertility, regeneration and the continuation of life.
This symbolic opposition is interpreted as an early expression of the dualistic religious ideas that would subsequently become particularly important in Zoroastrianism.
The author therefore considers BMAC religious imagery an important source for understanding the development of Iranian religious thought.
5.2. The griffin and fantastic animals
The griffin is another significant figure in BMAC artistic production.
Mosaics from the royal tombs of Gonur depict griffins, sometimes within decorative frames and sometimes engaged in combat with other fantastic creatures.
The study compares a mosaic from underground tomb 3210 at Gonur with a representation from the famous investiture scenes of King Zimrilim at Mari.
The author stresses that the Bactrian example may be earlier than the corresponding representation at Mari.
Other subjects include:
Pairs of fighting griffins.
Griffins enclosed within decorative frames.
Snakes devouring goats.
Winged dragons fighting snakes.
Fantastic hybrid animals.
These representations are compared with the animal symbolism of the Aegean, Mesopotamia and Anatolia.
5.3. Human representations and polychrome painting
The study also discusses the discovery of painted wooden objects and human figures in the necropolis of Gonur.
A particularly interesting discovery comes from tomb 78 at Gonur 20, where fragments of a wooden object were found decorated with plaster and polychrome painting.
The surviving colours include black, red and brownish ochre.
One fragment appears to depict a human figure with a circular head, one arm resting on the waist and the other extended forward, possibly holding a snake.
Other human representations have been identified in the royal necropolis, including tomb 3245.
The discovery of numerous eye-shaped mosaic elements in tombs 3210 and 3235 raises the possibility that human figures were represented through painted bodies supplemented by stone inlays.
The author notes the exceptional importance of these discoveries because human representations are relatively rare in the surviving artistic material of the BMAC.
5.4. The Mistress of Animals (Potnia Theron)
One of the most important comparisons concerns the representation of a female divinity associated with animals.
The study identifies similarities between Bactrian representations of a goddess controlling or dominating wild animals and the Aegean iconographic tradition of the Potnia Theron, or Mistress of Animals.
The motif is particularly important in Minoan and Mycenaean art.
Sarianidi had already observed that representations of divinities seated upon fantastic animals occur particularly in Bactria and the Mycenaean world.
The author develops this comparison further, relating the Bactrian representations to the broader tradition of the female deity associated with the animal kingdom.
The discussion also includes the possibility that certain BMAC representations preserve elements of a much older eastern Mediterranean religious tradition.
5.5. The Mother Goddess and the Snake Goddess
The author examines the relationship between Bactrian religious figurines and representations of female divinities in prehistoric Greece.
Particular attention is devoted to a seated goddess holding a child and to the possible identification of this figure with a Snake Goddess.
Comparisons are made with Neolithic figurines from Sesklo in Thessaly and Crete.
The author suggests that the religious symbolism of the BMAC may preserve elements of a prehistoric tradition that was already well established in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean.
The discussion is important because it extends the proposed cultural relationship beyond the Bronze Age and into much earlier periods.
5.6. The Bactrian princesses and female divinities
A distinctive category of BMAC sculpture consists of the so-called Bactrian princesses or goddesses.
These small figures are generally seated and convey an impression of authority, dignity and composure.
They were frequently manufactured from different types of stone, including calcite and steatite.
Their clothing is often identified as the kaunakes, a garment originally associated with animal skins and subsequently reproduced in wool.
The author compares the costume with representations in Sumerian art and with Minoan examples.
He notes that similar garments and textile traditions occur in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean, suggesting the existence of shared artistic conventions and possible cultural transmission.
5.7. Ritual drinking, Soma and Haoma
An especially important part of the religious discussion concerns the sanctuaries of Togolok-1, Togolok-21 and Gonur.
These sanctuaries were monumental constructions comparable in scale and organisation with contemporary religious buildings in Mesopotamia.
Sarianidi associated the religious practices of the BMAC with the ritual preparation and consumption of Soma or Haoma, a sacred intoxicating or stimulating beverage known from early Indo-Iranian religious traditions.
The archaeological evidence includes:
Specialised ritual installations.
Stone columns and discs.
Bone tubes interpreted as drinking instruments.
Special ceramic vessels.
Objects associated with the preparation and consumption of ritual liquids.
The author considers these discoveries particularly important for understanding the religious environment from which later Zoroastrian and Indo-Iranian traditions emerged.
5.8. Ritual vessels and the Aegean connection
The study identifies an interesting group of ceramic vessels decorated with small sculpted figures of animals, birds and human beings.
Such vessels are known from Anatolia, Cyprus and the Mediterranean world, but are less characteristic of other parts of the Near East.
The author compares them with ritual vessels from Minoan Crete, especially examples from Palaikastro and Knossos.
A particularly important vessel from Palaikastro contains numerous miniature figures representing a flock of sheep accompanied by a shepherd.
Comparable objects from the BMAC sanctuaries sometimes contained smaller vessels and miniature offerings.
The study also discusses ritual vessels shaped like sanctuaries, which have parallels in Chalcolithic Cyprus.
Additional connections are suggested by vessels with bull-shaped spouts, a feature particularly interesting in relation to the prominence of bull symbolism and bull worship in the Aegean.
5.9. The stone columns and aniconic worship
One of the most distinctive categories of BMAC ritual objects consists of carefully polished stone columns.
These objects, often referred to as Bactrian stone columns or stone-column idols, were manufactured from marble, alabaster, steatite and chlorite.
They were generally cylindrical or slightly conical, sometimes narrowing in the middle and resembling an abstract hourglass.
Their height usually ranged between 12 and 40 centimetres.
Sarianidi interpreted them as manifestations of aniconic religious worship, potentially representing a divinity without depicting it in human form.
He also associated them with the preparation of Soma/Haoma, suggesting that the columns and large stone discs found nearby formed part of a specialised ritual apparatus.
The grooves in the columns may have facilitated the pouring or collection of liquids.
The author compares these objects with stone pillars and stalagmites associated with prehistoric religious traditions in Crete.
Particular attention is given to the cave of Eileithyia at Amnisos, where natural stalagmites may have acquired religious significance and functioned as sacred pillars.
This comparison suggests that the use of columns or pillar-like objects in religious contexts may have been part of a much wider prehistoric tradition.
5.10. The 'Dionysian' elements in the Bactrian religious imagery
One of the most intriguing arguments concerns a cylinder seal discovered in a tomb at Togolok-1.
The seal depicts a ritual scene involving figures with monkey-like masks, acrobatic activities, music and a bull.
The composition includes:
Two masked figures holding poles.
An acrobat performing a movement.
A musician playing large cymbals.
A kneeling figure holding a rod before a bull.
Another animal-like figure holding objects resembling rods with spherical ends.
The author considers that the combination of music, dance, masks and acrobatics may have been intended to induce an altered state of consciousness.
He compares the scene with religious practices associated with ecstatic experience and what he describes as 'Dionysian' characteristics.
Particularly important is the presence of monkeys participating in human activities.
The author compares this imagery with Minoan frescoes from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri, where monkeys appear in ritual settings and are associated with musical activities.
The comparison is used to argue that the Bactrian composition may contain distinctive Minoan references.
The author also draws attention to the representation of the poppy (Papaver somniferum) in BMAC art.
The poppy appears on seals, stone vessels and ivory objects, and archaeological evidence of its presence has also been identified at several sites.
The author notes that poppy imagery is also familiar in the Aegean artistic and religious traditions.
Taken together, these elements lead him to propose a possible relationship between Bactrian ritual practices and the ecstatic religious traditions of the Minoan world.
5.11. Female figurines and their prehistoric Aegean parallels
The study further examines the development of anthropomorphic figurines in the BMAC.
Sarianidi suggested that the migrating populations which contributed to the formation of the civilisation initially possessed limited traditions of anthropomorphic sculpture and subsequently adopted local artistic practices.
The author, however, identifies important parallels with much older figurines from the Balkans, northern Greece, Anatolia and Cyprus.
The Bactrian female figurines often possess:
Diamond-shaped or almond-shaped eyes.
Small heads.
Prominent noses.
Elaborately decorated crowns.
Extended arms.
Clearly indicated breasts and pubic triangles.
These characteristics are compared with Neolithic figurines from Nea Nikomedeia, Koutroulou Magoula, Thessaly and Cyprus.
The author therefore suggests that the artistic inspiration behind certain Bactrian figurines may be traced to a much older eastern Mediterranean sculptural tradition.
5.12. The sacred fig leaf
The sacred fig, Ficus religiosa, provides another important connection between the BMAC and the Indus civilisation.
The leaf motif is generally associated with the artistic traditions of the Indus Valley.
However, the author identifies it in BMAC artistic material and on a sceptre discovered in a royal tomb at Avaris.
The same tomb also contained a sword decorated with the characteristic Minoan motif of adjoining spirals.
The author further points out that representations of the sacred fig leaf appear on Cretan discs.
This combination of Bactrian, Indus and Minoan parallels is regarded as particularly significant.
It suggests that artistic motifs circulated through interconnected cultural networks rather than remaining restricted to individual geographical areas.
6. Seals and Amulets: Symbols, Administration and Cultural Transmission
The sixth chapter examines the seals and amulets of the BMAC, focusing on their administrative, commercial, artistic and religious functions.
The production of seals was an important development in the Neolithic process. The study traces their early appearance in Mesopotamia and subsequently in Thessaly during the seventh millennium BC.
Seals gradually became important instruments of identification, ownership, administration and commercial control.
6.1. The Aegean and Near Eastern traditions of seal-making
The author investigates the common iconographic vocabulary of seals from the Aegean, Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Iran and Central Asia.
He notes that similar decorative themes occur in different regions, including:
Animal representations.
Geometric symbols.
Spiral compositions.
Figures of fantastic creatures.
Religious and ritual scenes.
Symbols associated with authority and power.
The study refers to comparisons involving Elam, Tepe Hissar, Shahdad, Giyan and Sialk, as well as Aegean sites.
The similarities are not limited to artistic decoration. They also concern the practical use of seals and the methods employed to secure commercial goods.
The author discusses the sealing practices of Lerna in Greece and Tuttul in Syria, noting comparable methods of sealing ceramic containers and other perishable materials.
A further parallel is identified between the multiple-sealing practices at Lerna and Lothal in the Indus region.
These observations are used to support the existence of a wide network of commercial and administrative practices across Eurasia.
6.2. Aegean-Anatolian iconographic motifs
The study considers the presence of motifs on Bactrian seals that are also characteristic of the Aegean and Anatolian artistic traditions.
Sarianidi acknowledged the similarities but explained them primarily through the shared Indo-European cultural background of the populations concerned.
The author questions this explanation, arguing that the possibility of actual contact between the Aegean and Central Asia should not be excluded.
The discussion of animal heads arranged in swirling or spiral compositions is particularly interesting.
Comparable motifs are identified in Acemhöyük, Dilmun and Crete, as well as on Bactrian seals.
The author interprets these parallels as evidence of a shared or transmitted artistic vocabulary.
6.3. The seal of Anau and the question of eastern connections
A particularly unusual discovery is the famous seal from Anau in southern Turkmenistan.
Certain symbols on this seal have been compared with characters from much later Chinese writing.
A second seal of comparable appearance was discovered at Niya in northwestern China.
The study discusses Colarusso's interpretation that the civilisation of Central Asia, originating around the Oxus, may have extended far towards the east, potentially reaching the Yangtze region.
The Anau seal therefore becomes an important element in the discussion of long-distance cultural connections across Central Asia.
6.4. The Minoan possible connections of Anau
Anau is also important because of its possible connections with Minoan Crete.
The study discusses pottery from Anau that has been associated with the Vasiliki Ware tradition of Early Minoan Crete.
This distinctive pottery style is dated approximately to 2600–2200 BC.
A prismatic stone object decorated with motifs considered Minoan in character is also mentioned.
The author examines the possibility of commercial connections involving the Khorasan region and the trade in tin.
He also discusses evidence for textile and basketry technologies, including an Anau find that has been compared with earlier examples from Thessaly and Macedonia.
The evidence is not treated as definitive proof of direct colonisation, but it is used to strengthen the case for possible contacts between the Aegean and Central Asia.
6.5. The broader significance of the seals
The author considers seals particularly important because they preserve evidence of both cultural identity and practical interaction.
Their iconography can reveal religious beliefs and artistic conventions, while their use in commercial transactions provides evidence of organised economic activity.
The distribution of similar motifs and sealing practices therefore supports the idea of a connected Bronze Age world in which the Aegean, Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Iran and Central Asia participated in networks of exchange.
7. Contacts with the Indus Civilisation
The seventh chapter investigates the relationships between the BMAC and the civilisation of the Indus Valley.
The author considers these connections an important dimension of the cultural history of Central Asia.
Archaeological finds from Altyn Depe include objects associated with the Indus civilisation, particularly seals.
One seal bears a swastika, or hooked cross, closely comparable with examples from the Indus Valley.
Another contains two symbols associated with the Indus iconographic system.
The author nevertheless points out that the swastika was a widespread symbol in different prehistoric cultures, including the Aegean, and therefore cannot by itself demonstrate direct cultural dependence.
7.1. The movement of BMAC objects towards the Indus Valley
From the beginning of the second millennium BC, objects associated with the BMAC began appearing at Mohenjo-daro and Chanhu-daro.
The author discusses Possehl's interpretation that this distribution may reflect the movement of populations associated with the BMAC into the Indian subcontinent.
The warrior burials at Sinauli in northern India are also considered relevant.
Their antennae-shaped swords and carts drawn by cattle are discussed in relation to the cultural traditions of Central Asia.
7.2. Shortughai: An Indus settlement in Central Asia
One of the most important archaeological discoveries is the settlement of Shortughai, situated in the Oxus region.
It is considered an outpost or colony of the Indus civilisation, established to facilitate the control and exploitation of lapis lazuli resources.
The author stresses that, despite its Indus connections, Shortughai also displays strong cultural relationships with the Bactria–Margiana complex.
This is an important example of the coexistence and interaction of different cultural traditions within the same geographical environment.
7.3. Figurines and animal representations
The author discusses figurines from Harappa and their similarities with objects from the BMAC cultural sphere.
Particular attention is given to certain figurines with an eight-shaped or figure-eight configuration.
Comparisons are also made with figurines from Shahr-i Sokhta, the so-called Burnt City, in Iran.
Other significant objects include:
A Bactrian gold and lapis-lazuli necklace.
A faience monkey-like figurine from tomb 4150 at Gonur.
An Indus seal depicting an elephant.
A stone ram from royal tomb 3250 at Gonur.
A basalt representation of a wild sheep from the Indus region.
The author regards these parallels as evidence of a particularly intensive interaction between Central Asia and the Indus Valley.
The chapter thus demonstrates that the BMAC was not simply a western-oriented civilisation. It also participated in an extensive eastern network of cultural and commercial relationships.
8. Concluding Observations: The BMAC within the Wider History of Eurasian Civilisations
The final chapter synthesises the evidence presented throughout the study.
Its central argument is that the Oxus civilisation developed within an extensive network of cultural and commercial relationships connecting Central Asia with Asia Minor, Syria-Palestine, Mesopotamia, the Aegean and the Indus Valley.
The author identifies several categories of evidence supporting this interpretation.
8.1. Archaeological evidence of long-distance connections
An especially important discovery comes from Thyateira in Lydia, modern Akhisar.
The object in question is one of two parts of a portable mould used by itinerant metalworkers to cast jewellery, amulets and metal seals.
The motifs represented on the mould belong to an iconographic tradition distributed across an exceptionally wide geographical area, extending from the Balkans and the Aegean to Mesopotamia and Central Asia.
The author also discusses the representation of a female figure with particularly prominent eyes, comparing it with a lead figurine from Troy.
Other significant finds include:
A Cycladic marble vase discovered in the BMAC region, dated approximately 2700–2200 BC.
Pottery displaying similarities with the Indus civilisation.
A golden animal figurine from Thera, apparently representing a gazelle, which the author associates with Asian artistic traditions.
These objects are presented as evidence of the movement of artistic forms and manufactured goods across substantial distances.
8.2. Common decorative motifs
The author identifies several decorative elements that appear in different regions:
Flat beads with a central tubular projection.
The quadruple spiral.
Engraved carnelian beads.
Geometric and animal motifs.
Decorative elements associated with ritual objects and jewellery.
Their geographical distribution supports the idea of extensive networks of artistic and technological exchange.
The study emphasises that the appearance of such motifs in different regions should be considered within the broader context of Bronze Age communication and mobility.
8.3. The ceramic tokens and the question of Linear A
One of the most interesting subjects concerns 26 ceramic tokens discovered at Gonur.
These objects, shaped like cones or bricks, were found together inside a leather bag.
The author compares them with counting tokens known from Mesopotamia and the Aegean.
They are interpreted as possible instruments for counting goods and recording commercial transactions.
Particular importance is attributed to the symbols engraved on their surfaces.
Sarianidi identified among them a sign corresponding to AB 77 of the Minoan Linear A script.
The author considers this discovery potentially important because it raises questions about the existence of contacts between the BMAC and Minoan Crete, and perhaps about the participation of people familiar with Aegean administrative practices in the commercial life of Central Asia.
However, the proposed identification of the sign should be understood as an interpretation rather than as proof that the BMAC possessed a fully developed writing system.
The wider question of writing in the BMAC remains unresolved.
8.4. Weights, measures and commercial standardisation
The study also examines the standardisation of weights and measures across Bronze Age Eurasia.
Drawing on Rahmstorf's research, the author argues that similarities between weights from different geographical areas may reflect the development of commercial conventions rather than the imposition of a single political authority.
Merchants required reliable systems of measurement to facilitate transactions over long distances.
The comparison includes spindle-shaped weights from the Aegean and comparable objects from Central Asia.
Some BMAC stone columns and discs may also have fulfilled more than one function, combining ritual and practical characteristics.
This discussion demonstrates that commercial organisation was an essential factor in the development of cultural relationships across Eurasia.
8.5. The possibility of an Aegean community in Central Asia
A particularly important conclusion concerns the possibility that people originating in the broader Aegean world may have lived within the BMAC.
The author considers the accumulated archaeological parallels sufficiently significant to keep this possibility open.
The evidence includes:
Similarities in architectural design.
Common funerary practices.
Shared decorative motifs.
Ritual vessels and stone objects.
Jewellery and metalworking techniques.
Similar water-supply and drainage systems.
Seals and administrative objects.
The possible identification of a Linear A sign on BMAC tokens.
Sarianidi himself had suggested the possibility of western migrants and an Aegean-related element within the civilisation.
The author develops this possibility by considering the evidence as a whole rather than relying on an isolated archaeological object.
8.6. Greek traditions and the ancient knowledge of Central Asia
The concluding discussion turns to ancient Greek historical and mythological traditions.
The author refers to the legendary expeditions of Heracles and Dionysus towards the eastern regions of the known world, which were traditionally regarded as preceding the campaign of Alexander the Great.
He suggests that these traditions might preserve distant memories of population movements and cultural contacts between the Aegean and Central Asia.
He also refers to ancient accounts of Bactrian rulers, including the figure of Oxyartes, mentioned by Ctesias and Diodorus Siculus in connection with the legendary history of the region.
The author considers these traditions relevant to the broader question of how early the Greeks possessed knowledge of Central Asia.
8.7. The historical presence of Greeks in Central Asia
The study finally distinguishes between the possible prehistoric Aegean connections and the historically documented Greek presence in Central Asia.
The presence of Greeks in the region before Alexander is discussed through references to Greek communities at:
The Branchidae in Sogdiana.
The Barkeans in Bactria.
The author also refers to the subsequent expansion of Greek cultural influence following Alexander's conquest.
This influence became particularly important in language, coinage, artistic production and political institutions.
The discussion includes references to the Chinese historical record, particularly the Shiji, concerning Greek populations in Ferghana during the first century BC.
The author further cites Narain's arguments for a substantial Greek presence in Central Asia before Alexander.
The final historical perspective therefore extends from the possible prehistoric migrations and cultural interactions of the Bronze Age to the established Hellenistic communities of the later historical period.
9. The Central Arguments and Contributions of the Study
The research advances several interconnected arguments.
1. The BMAC was an important independent centre of Bronze Age civilisation.
Its monumental settlements, hydraulic engineering, specialised crafts, religious complexes and sophisticated funerary traditions demonstrate a highly developed society.
2. Its origins should be examined within a broad geographical framework.
The author gives considerable attention to Sarianidi's migration hypothesis, particularly the possibility of population movements from Asia Minor and the Aegean towards Central Asia.
3. Funerary similarities deserve particular attention.
The different types of tombs, secondary burial practices, ritual footwear and funerary offerings reveal significant parallels with the prehistoric Aegean, Anatolia and the Near East.
4. Architectural comparisons provide important evidence of cultural relationships.
The similarities between Gonur, Knossos, Phaistos, Mari, Alalakh and certain Indus buildings are central to the author's argument.
5. Religious iconography reveals a complex system of shared symbols.
The struggle between good and evil, snakes and dragons, griffins, the Mistress of Animals, female divinities, sacred pillars and ritual drinking practices demonstrate the complexity of BMAC religious life.
6. The Aegean connections are not confined to decorative motifs.
The author identifies similarities in jewellery, ritual vessels, seals, administrative practices, water management and architectural organisation.
7. The Indus civilisation formed another major component of the BMAC's external relationships.
The evidence from Shortughai, Altyn Depe, Gonur and the Indus settlements demonstrates extensive interaction between these cultural centres.
8. Commercial exchange was an essential mechanism of cultural transmission.
The circulation of raw materials, manufactured objects, weights, seals and technological knowledge contributed to the formation of an interconnected Bronze Age world.
9. Aegean migration and settlement in Central Asia remain important possibilities.
The author argues that the cumulative archaeological evidence warrants serious consideration of the existence of populations with Aegean origins within the BMAC.
10. Overall Assessment and Significance
The principal contribution of the study is its attempt to place the Bactria–Margiana civilisation within a much wider history of prehistoric cultural interaction.
Rather than treating Central Asia as a remote and isolated geographical area, the author presents it as an important crossroads connecting the Mediterranean, the Near East, Iran and the Indian subcontinent.
The archaeological material from Gonur and other BMAC settlements is examined comparatively, with particular emphasis on the prehistoric cultures of Greece and the Aegean.
The most important aspect of this approach is the accumulation of evidence from different archaeological categories. Funerary architecture, religious imagery, jewellery, ritual vessels, seals, hydraulic engineering and administrative objects are considered together.
This comparative approach allows the author to investigate not merely similarities between individual artefacts but also possible relationships between entire cultural systems.
The study places particular emphasis on the importance of the prehistoric Aegean as a possible source of certain architectural, artistic and religious traditions that subsequently appeared in Central Asia.
It also raises the possibility that the movement of people, rather than the exchange of manufactured objects alone, contributed to the formation of the BMAC.
The argument is especially relevant to the broader study of ancient Greek cultural history because it encourages consideration of connections between the Aegean and regions much farther east than those normally associated with prehistoric Aegean - Greek civilisation.
The BMAC consequently emerges as a major centre within the interconnected world of the Bronze Age, participating in exchanges that extended across an enormous geographical area.
The fundamental conclusion is that the Bactria–Margiana civilisation should be understood as part of a dynamic Eurasian cultural network in which the Aegean, Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Iran and the Indus Valley interacted through migration, commerce, technology, religious practices and artistic transmission.
The possibility of a substantial Aegean contribution to this network, including the presence of Aegean-related populations in Central Asia, constitutes the central research proposition of the book.
11. Important scholarly distinction
An important distinction should be maintained when interpreting the conclusions of the manuscript.
The archaeological parallels discussed in the study do not all possess the same evidential status.
Type of evidence | What it can indicate |
|---|---|
Objects found in different regions | Commercial exchange or shared traditions |
Similar architectural structures | Possible transmission of architectural knowledge |
Shared funerary practices | Common traditions or cultural interaction |
Similar religious imagery | Shared symbolism or religious transmission |
Objects with identifiable foreign origins | More direct evidence of contact |
Possible Linear A sign on tokens | A hypothesis requiring further verification |
Greek-related population movements | A historical interpretation requiring independent confirmation |
In particular, the distinction between direct migration, indirect cultural transmission and independent development of similar artistic forms is essential to the interpretation of the evidence.
This qualification does not diminish the importance of the research. Rather, it identifies the principal questions that future archaeological discoveries and comparative studies must address.
Final conclusion: The book presents the Oxus civilisation as a major and insufficiently recognised component of Bronze Age Eurasian history. Its comparative examination of Bactrian, Margianian, Aegean, Anatolian, Mesopotamian and Indus material provides a substantial basis for investigating the geographical extent of prehistoric cultural interactions and the possible contribution of Aegean populations to the development of Central Asian civilisation.
Bronze Age Chlorite statue of a monstrous male figure from Bactria-Margiana or eastern Iran Late 3rd to Early 2nd millenia BCE (45806958354).jpg
