The aforementioned myth is well known which contrasts Silenus Marsyas, player of the aulòs, with the god Apollo citaredo: the first, collected the double flute made for the first time by Athena, but from this abandoned, is so proud of his art to challenge the god and then be defeated and skinned by him.[34]
This is the famous contrast between auletics (representedνda Marsyas) and the citarodia (under the aegis of Apollo), a dialectic that is part of the Greek reflection on the effects that music causes in the soul of the listener. In the reasoning that Socrates bases in the Republic 35, after having reviewed the various types of ἁρμονίαι (mixolidia, syntolidia, Ionic, Lydia, etc.) with the relative consequences on listeners, access to the ideal city is denied to builders and flute players as the instrument is extremely versatile and capable of creating multiple harmonies capable of upsetting souls 36. Socrates 'closure of his thinking 37 is extremely significant:
Ο προαναφερθείς γνωστός μύθος αντιπαραβάλλει τον Σιληνό Μαρσύα, παίκτη του αυλού, με τον θεό Απόλλωνα Κιθαρωδό: ο πρώτος, περισυνέλεξε τον διπλό αυλό που κατασκεύασε για πρώτη φορά η Αθηνά, αλλά χρησιμοποιώντας αυτό το εγκαταλειμμένο όργανο, είναι ιδιαίτερα υπερήφανος για την τέχνη του ώστε να προκαλέσει τον θεό, ηττώμενος όμως εν συνεχεία και υφιστάμενος την εκδορά του από αυτόν, Hdt. 7.26.3.[34].
Αυτή είναι η περίφημη αντίθεση μεταξύ των αυλητών (αντιπροσωπευομένων από τον Μαρσύα) και των κιθαρωδών (υπό την αιγίδα του Απόλλωνος), μια διαλεκτική που εντάσσεται στον ελληνικό προβληματισμό για τα αποτελέσματα που προκαλεί η μουσική στην ψυχή του ακροατή. Στο σκεπτικό που στηρίζει ο Σωκράτης στην Πολιτεία,[35] αφού εξέτασε τους διάφορους τύπους ἁρμονίας (μειξολυδική, συντονολυδική, ιωνική, λυδική κ.λπ.) με τις σχετικές συνέπειες στους ακροατές, απαγορεύεται η πρόσβαση στην ιδανική πόλη σε οικοδόμους και φλογέρας. όπως είναι το όργανο εξαιρετικά ευέλικτο και ικανό να δημιουργεί πολλαπλές αρμονίες ικανές να αναστατώνουν τις ψυχές.[36] Το κλείσιμο της σκέψεως του Σωκράτους [37] είναι εξαιρετικά σημαντικό:
Οὐδέν γε, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ, καινὸν ποιοῦμεν, ὦ φίλε, κρίνοντες τὸν Ἀπόλλω καὶ τὰ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ὄργανα πρὸ Μαρσύου τε καὶ τῶν ἐκείνου ὀργάνων.
ήτοι:
Και δε μου φαίνεται να κάνομε και τίποτα περίεργο πράγμα, φίλε μου, αν προτιμούμε τον Απόλλωνα και τα όργανα του Απόλλωνος από τον Μαρσύα και τα όργανά του.[37a]
Σκαρίφημα παραστάσεων από κρατήρας οίνου hu με ένθετη διακόσμηση περιλαμβάνουσα αυλητή στο β' διάζωμα[900]
The traditional favor accorded to stringed instruments over wind instruments is therefore reaffirmed. In this perspective, Aristotle comes to 'interpret' in this way the particular present in the myth according to which Athena, after having invented the aulos, gets rid of it[38]: ..
Η παραδοσιακή υπεροχή που αναγνωριζόταν στα έγχορδα όργανα έναντι των πνευστών επιβεβαιώνεται εκ νέου. Σε αυτήν την προοπτική, ο Αριστοτέλης έρχεται να «ερμηνεύσει» με αυτόν τον τρόπο το ιδιαίτερο παρόν του μύθου σύμφωνα με το οποίο η Αθηνά, αφού εφηύρε τον αυλό, τον απορρίπτει, Arist. Pol. 8. 1341b:[38]
..εὐλόγως δ᾽ ἔχει καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν αὐλῶν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων μεμυθολογημένον. φασὶ γὰρ δὴ τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν εὑροῦσαν ἀποβαλεῖν τοὺς αὐλούς. οὐ κακῶς μὲν οὖν ἔχει φάναι καὶ διὰ τὴν ἀσχημοσύνην τοῦ προσώπου τοῦτο ποιῆσαι δυσχεράνασαν τὴν θεόν: οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰκὸς ὅτι πρὸς τὴν διάνοιαν οὐθέν ἐστιν ἡ παιδεία τῆς αὐλήσεως, τῇ δὲ Ἀθηνᾷ τὴν ἐπιστήμην περιτίθεμεν καὶ τὴν τέχνην.
ήτοι
Και πράγματι υπάρχει μια λογική βάση για την ιστορία που έλεγαν οι αρχαίοι για τον αυλό. Ο μύθος λέει ότι η Αθηνά βρήκε έναν αυλό και τον πέταξε. Τώρα δεν είναι κακό στην ιστορία ότι η θεά το έκανε αυτό από ενόχληση λόγω της άσχημης παραμορφώσεως των χαρακτηριστικών της. αλλά στην πραγματικότητα είναι πιο πιθανό να οφείλεται στο ότι η εκπαίδευση στον αυλό δεν επηρεάζει την νοημοσύνη, ενώ στην Αθηνά αποδίδουμε επιστήμη και τέχνη.[38a]
It should be noted, however, that not all sources speak of a clear opposition between stringed instruments and wind instruments, that is, between Apollo and Marsyas. In fact, according to the words of Ps. Plutarch 39, Apollo would have been the inventor of both the auletics and the citarodia and confirming this there would be the news of a statue of the god in Delos holding the bow in one hand, in the other the Graces each with an instrument: the lyre, the aulòs, the syrinx. Such ἄγαλμα is also mentioned from Pausanias who attributes it to two artists, Angelione and Tetteo, active in the sixth century. B.C. 40. Between VI and V century. B.C. furthermore there are the testimonies of Pindar 41 (according to which the aulos was the invention of Athena who gave it to men) and of Corinna 42 who reports how Apollo was instructed in αὐλεῖν by Athena. In another passage, Athenaeus reports the verses of the dithyramb of Melanippides of Melo (V century BC) entitled Marsyas, in which Athena curses the flute responsible for the deformations of her face, but immediately afterwards Athenaeus quotes the replica of Telestis of Selinunte, another dithyrambograph, according to which the news of the goddess's wrath against was false the instrument: the latter, in fact, devoted to virginity and not very attentive to the care of beauty, why would she ever have to forewarn that her image of her was disfigured by the sound of the instrument 43?
Beyond these disputes which, however, suggest the liveliness of a long-standing debate between poetry and music 44, the mythical figure of Marsyas, however, does not end in the contrast with Apollo (a contrast which, as we have seen, is not even unique). In fact, the Silenus in various legends shows himself to be the depositary of an extra-ordinary knowledge that raises him well above human nature. These are the myths in which Marsyas appears linked to king Midas 45. In fact Midas already appeared in the legend already mentioned of the musical contest between Apollo and Marsyas: in some testimonies it is he who acts as judge, rashly assigning the victory to Silenus and not to the god 46. According to Ovid 47 Midas would have expressed himself not in the contest between Marsyas and Apollo, but in that between Pan and the god 48, and would have provoked the ire of the son of Zeus who would have taken revenge by making him grow donkey ears 49. For our discourse, now very relevant are other details of the legend: we refer to the stories according to which King Midas would have drawn on hidden knowledge thanks to the mediation of the Silenus. The most important testimony is that of Aristotle 50: ..
Of this famous scene - later also taken up by F. Nietzsche in the Birth of Tragedy 51 - which fully expresses the pessimism of Greek thought 52, we are interested in the status of 'wise' that is here assigned to the Silenus in charge of revealing to the king not any notion, but τί ποτ 'ἐστὶ τὸ βέλτιστον τοῖς ἀνθρώποις καὶ τί τὸ πάντων αἱρετώτατον. It is no coincidence that there were those who, on the basis of an ethnographic comparison of this myth, spoke of King Midas as a "questing hero" engaged in an initiatory trial53. Regarding the 'wisdom' dimension of Marsyas, even the 4th century historian B.C. Theopompus54 reports a strange legend according to which the Silenus would have always revealed to King Midas a truth forbidden to mere mortals according to which the true earth would be found beyond the ocean55.
Beyond all that matters the song
Beyond all the questions that Theopompus' passage poses to modern interpreters (meaning and purpose of the passage, influence on subsequent authors) 56, for the purposes of our discourse it is only important to note how here too Silenus interacts with King Midas from a particular position, that of holder of superior knowledge. To what has been said must be added the information that we find in the drains of a verse from Virgil's Bucolics, in which it is stated that the Mantuan poet would have drawn from Theopompus the illustrated myth of the VI Ecloga 57. In the passage
virgiliano58 Cromi and Marasilo (probably two shepherds 59) surprise Marsyas drunk in a cave and force him (together with the naiad Egle) to sing for them60. What interests us is that the Silenus - in the Virgilian myth - launches into a cosmogonic song (vv. 31 et seq.) Of Lucretian inspiration61 capable of enchanting more than the voice of Orpheus 62. If the links with the legends above appear evident reported (Marsyas surprised drunk and forced to pronounce himself),
it should not be forgotten that cosmogonic chant is the prerogative of θεολόγοι such as Orpheus, Museum, Epimenides, Hesiod63, whose task is "to guide human 'cosmological' action, narrating the foundation of the order" 64. In other words, the knowledge that Silenus is in possession of is certainly not just any knowledge, but something that ensures him a position of primacy. Before closing this section, it seems appropriate to recall how according to some ancient authors Marsyas would have been the pedagogue of Dionysus as a child65, while Midas would have received initiations from Orpheus 66.
Ultimately, from the examination of the data at our disposal, the figure of Marsyas cannot be 'crushed' exclusively into that of Apollo's antagonist and a symbol of a punished hubris: in fact, there are numerous testimonies that presented him as possessor of superior knowledge. .
In this regard, rather than enhancing the differences between the two Marsyas to the point of thinking of two completely different characters, the position of D. Lanza appears to be shared, bringing the discrepancies back to the "very nature of the only, for us ambiguous, figure of the Silenus" 67: transgression and superior knowledge are two sides of the same coin. As we have already said, it is atopy, this moving at the same time between a divine reality and a feral one, that explains the paradoxical praise of Socrates by Alcibiades through Marsyas. Therefore, if the challenge between Marsyas and Apollo (with the consequent judgment of condemnation) is inevitably implied in the re-evaluation of Socrates by his 'school' (in common they have a process that ended badly), it is on Silenus as the holder of a exceptional knowledge that focuses the attention of Plato (as well as of the other exponents of the Socratic circle): Marsyas is put to death like Socrates, but both are able to 'transform' their listeners. The terms used by Alcibiades in this case leave no doubts in this regard. The 'fascination' of which both are capable is indicated by the technical verb κηλεῖν68 (Plat. Symp. 215c: ὁ μέν γε δι 'ὀργάνων ἐκήλει τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τῇ ἀπὸ τοῦ σότματος and the same can be used to say σόματος) state of 'possession' suffered by bystanders: κατέχεσθαι 69 and ἐκπλήσσειν 70 (ibid. 315d: ἐκπεπληγμένοι ἐσμὲν καὶ κατεχόμεθα). Even more explicitly, Alcibiade states that when you listen to Socrates the shocking effect that receives it is higher than that produced by the rites of the Coribanti (Ibid. 315E: ὅταν ὰὰρ ἀἀύΩ, πούύ μοι ύύΩ, πἢῶῶ μορρβύύνώώῶῶῶ κοεββατώώώωῶῶ τἥε ατώώώωωἥ τεε δίία πηΔᾷ κΑὶ Δάκρυα ἐκχεῖται ὑπὸ ῶῶῶῶῶῶ λόγων τῶν τούτου, ὁρῶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλους παμπόλλους τὰ αὐτὰ πάσχοντας).
εὖ μὲν ἡγούμην λέγειν, τοιοῦτον δ 'οὐδὲν ἔπασχον). Therefore, if the 'initiatory' process 71 that Alcibiades could have lived thanks to the old Socrates has not been completed, it is only due to his guilty lack of constancy: instead of remaining with the master and letting himself be completely ensnared by him, Alcibiades runs away, blocking his ears as if by Sirens (ibid.316a: βίᾳ οὖν ὥσπερ ἀπὸ τῶν Σειρήνων ἐπισχόμενος τὰ ὦτα οἴχομαι φεύγν, ἵνα μὴ αὐτοῦ καθήμενος πανα
τούτῳ καταγηράσω). Ultimately, the Marsyas / Socrates analogy is all played on this function of 'mediation' carried out by one and the other between a degraded reality and a divine one and in doing this Plato or, better said, the Socratic circles, recover the positive side of the Silenus.
An extraordinary ability that deserves our attention: we noted above how Plato condemned the use of aulòs precisely because it is an instrument characterized by παναρμόνιον, the ability to create multiple harmonies.
Without arriving at excessively risky conclusions on the type of knowledge that Dante might have had of Greek musical theories, it seems, however, that we can say with some foundation that even
he attributed particular qualities to the sound of the flute (Silenus' instrument). And this is what he explicitly states shortly after the aforementioned verses86:
https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/id/1a9beb93-9f9c-4a82-834f-4cc3ad0f8025/354650.pdf
Adagiorum chiliades, OPERA OMNIA DESIDERII ERASMI ROTERODAMI RECOGNITA ET ADNOTATIONE CRITICA INSTRVCTA NOTISQVE ILLVSTRATA
Από την διερεύνηση που διεξήχθη προέκυψε ότι στην αρχαία παράδοση η μορφή του Σιληνού Μαρσύα φαίνεται να έχει έντονα διφορούμενα χαρακτηριστικά: αφενός, η «αρνητική» φλέβα του χαρακτήρα που εμπλέκεται σε μια θανατηφόρα σύγκρουση με τον Απόλλωνα Κιθαρωδό είναι ζωτικής σημασίας και γόνιμη; αφ' ετέρου μια άλλη εξίσου παρούσα είναι η αντίθετη ερμηνεία in bono ως μια εξαιρετική μορφή προικισμένη με μιαν «άλλη» γνώση και εξαιρετικές ικανότητες. Είναι αυτή η δεύτερη προοπτική που χρησιμοποιήθηκε τον 4 αι. π.Χ. από τους κύκλους
που ασχολήθηκαν με την αποκατάσταση του Σωκράτους. Και οι δύο δυνατότητες του Μαρσύα (αρνητικό παράδειγμα τιμωρημένης ύβρεως και εικονικό υπόδειγμα «απελευθερώσεως από το κόσκινο της θνητότητας [114]»)
βρίσκουν στις αρχικές γραμμές του πρώτου κάντο του Παραδείσου του Δάντη. Ανεξάρτητα από το ποιες ακριβείς πηγές ενέπνευσαν τον Δάντη, αυτό που φαίνεται αναμφισβήτητο είναι ότι η σύγκλιση της παγανιστικής μυθικής κληρονομιάς και της χριστιανικής θρησκευτικής ερμηνείας μπορεί να εξηγήσει αυτό το διπλό όραμα, που αποδόθηκε από τον διαφωτιστή Giovanni di Paolo με τον τρόπο που είδαμε.
111. Ad. 2201 s.v. “Sileni Alcibiadis”. After recalling the passage from the Platonic Symposium on which we have dwelt above and noting how it is all played out in the contrast between an exterior to be despised and a divine interior, the Renaissance author clearly states: An non mirificus quidam
Silenus fuit Christus?
114. Rigo 1994, p. 119.
ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΕΙΣ
[34]. .. στην αγορά αυτή [των Κελαινών] είναι κρεμασμένο ψηλά και το ασκί από το δέρμα του Σιληνού Μαρσύα, για τον οποίο οι Φρύγες διηγούνται πως τον έγδαρε και κρέμασε ψηλά το τομάρι του ο Απόλλων.
[35]. Pl. Resp. 398c κ.ε.
[36] .
[37]. Pl. Resp. 399e.
[37a]. https://www.greek-language.gr/digitalResources/ancient_greek/library/browse.html?text_id=111&page=38
[900]. Fong et al. 2013, p. 316, fig. 107, cat. no. 91. Το ορειχάλκινο αγγείο προέρχεται από τον τάφο Μ10 στο Σχολείο του Baihuatan - Chengdu και χρονολογείται στήν πρώιμη περίοδο των Αντιμαχομένων Κρατιδίων. Η αρχική ανακοίνωση έγινε στο Wenwu 1976 (3): 43-46.
[38]. Βουλιώτη 2017 , σελ. 42.
[38a]. Το Ελληνικό κείμενο προέκυψε από το Αγγλικό κείμενο του perseus μέ μετάφραση στην Ελληνική.
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ
https://polygraphia.it/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Marsia-Platone-Dante-Giovanni-di-Paolo.pdf?fbclid=IwAR017XptpPHVqs71HaTPRSAXzeCegC3HmVOnGHbTTNDaUm5siktNGe-iJUE
Coppola, G. 2021. "Marsia, Platone, Dante, Giovanni di Paolo: alcune considerazioni in merito ad una miniatura dantesca," Polygraphia 2021, n. 3, pp. 277-296.
https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1116&context=honorsprojects
Carbone, C. 2014. "Ancient Greek Music: The Aulos and the Kithara" (Honors Projects 129, Bowling Green State University).
https://scholarworks.bgsu.edu/honorsprojects/129
p. 12: .. yet in spite of this it was still the principal instrument chosen for religious ceremonies.
p. 13: .. The religious use of aulos music is particularly noted in the Dionysian mystery cult.
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2238615
Van Keer, E. 2008. "Integrating Music and Religion in the Study of the Ancient Greek Aulos and Mousikè. Musical Perceptions - Past and Present. On Ethnographic Analogy and Experimental Archaeology in Music Archaeological Research. 6th Symposium of the International Study Group on Music Archaeology, 2004
https://classics-at.chs.harvard.edu/classics17-tully/
Tulley, C. 2019. "Exploring the “Flute Girls” of Ancient Greece through Multimodality," <https://classics-at.chs.harvard.edu/classics17-tully/> (1 April 2022).
https://jguaa2.journals.ekb.eg/article_6042_eb4bad8e3f35201a99ebd4aefaf08980.pdf
Dr. Marwa Abd el-Maguid el-Kady. "Aulos and Crotals in Graeco-roman Egypt," Journal of the General Union OF Arab Archaeologists (3), pp. 70-106.
https://books.google.gr/books?id=_N56Rnsm1DUC&pg=PA437&lpg=PA437&dq=religious+significance+of+ancient+aulos&source=bl&ots=Bvq_Mcit42&sig=ACfU3U0DFM-uuGdy6VHEjbzqZcLZCoUtHA&hl=el&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjd5vDEl_L2AhVPsaQKHXe9CDQ4ChDoAXoECAwQAw#v=onepage&q=religious%20significance%20of%20ancient%20aulos&f=false
Zangenberg, J., H. W. Attridge, D. B. Martin, eds. 2007. Religion, Ethnicity, and Identity in Ancient Galilee: A Region in Transition, Tubingen.
https://dspace.uowm.gr/xmlui/bitstream/handle/123456789/714/%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A5%CE%9B%CE%99%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%97%20%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%A5%CE%9B%CE%99%CE%91%CE%9D%CE%97.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
Βουλιώτη, Στ. 2017. "Η Εκπαίδευση των παιδιών σύμφωνα με την Αριστοτελική θεωρία" (πτυχ. Παν. Μακεδονίας).
https://books.google.gr/books?id=vJAK1qI6MVgC&printsec=frontcover&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=wind%20instrument&f=false
Fong, W. C., R. W. Bagley, J. F. So, M. K. Hearn, eds. 2013. The Great Bronze Age of China: An Exhibition from the People's Republic of China, Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Δεν υπάρχουν σχόλια:
Δημοσίευση σχολίου